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liberty, were the moft heroic confederacy humour of an Ariftophanes; for the native elegance of a Philemon or Menander; for the amorous ftrains of a Mimnermus or Sappho; for the rural lays of a Theocritus or Bion; and for the fublime conceptions of a Sophocles or Homer. The fame in profe. Here Ifocrates was enabled to dif play his art, in all the accuracy of periods and the nice counterpoife of diction. Here Demofthenes found materials for that nervous compofition, that manly force of unaffected eloquence, which rushed like a torrent, too impetuous to be withstood.

that ever exifted. They were the politeft, the braveft, and the wifeft, of men. In the short space of little more than a century they became fuch ftatefmen, warriors, orators, hiftorians, phyficians, poets, critics, painters, fculptors, architects, and (laft of all) philofophers, that one can hardly help confidering that golden period, as a providential event in honour of human nature, to fhew to what perfection the species might ascend *.

Now the language of these Greeks was truly like themselves; it was conformable to their tranfcendant and univerfal genius. Where matter fo abounded, words followed of courfe, and thofe exquifite in every kind, as the ideas for which they stood. And hence it followed, there was not a fubject to be found which could not with propriety be expreffed in Greek.

Here were words and numbers for the

If we except Homer, Hefiod, and the Lyric poets, we hear of few Grecian writers before the expedition of Xerxes. After that monarch had been defeated, and the dread of the Perfian power was at an end, the effulgence of Grecian genius (if I may ufe the expreffion) broke forth, and fhone till the time of Alexander the Macedonian, after whom it difappeared, and never rofe again. This is that golden period spoken of above. I do not mean that Greece had not many writers of great merit fubfequent to that period, and efpecially of the philofophic kind; but the great, the ftriking, the fublime (call it as you pleafe) attained at that time to a height, to which it never could afcend in any after-age.

The fame kind of fortune befel the people of Rome. When the Punic wars were ended, and Carthage, their dreaded rival, was no more, then, (as Horace informs us) they began to cultivate the politer arts. It was foon after this their great orators, and hiftorians, and pouts arofe, and Rome, like Greece, had her golden period, which lafted to the death of Octavius Cæfar.

I call these two periods, from the two greatest geniuses that flourished in each, one the Socratic period, the other the Ciceronian.

There are still farther analogies fubfifting between them. Neither period commenced, as long as folicitude for the common welfare engaged men's attentions, and fuch wars impended threatened their destruction by foreigners and barbarians. But when once thefe fears were over, a general fecurity foon enfued, and instead of attending to the arts of defence and felf prefervation, they began to cultivate thofe of elegance and pleasure. Now, as thefe naturally produced a kind of wanton infulence (not unlike the vicious temper of high-fed animals) fo by this the bands of union were infenfibly diffolved. Hence then, among the Greeks, that fatal Peloponnefian war, which, together with other wars, is immediate confequence, broke the confede

Who were more different in exhibiting their philofophy, than Xenophon, Plato, and his difciple Ariftotle? Different, I fay, in their character of compofition; for, as to their philofophy itself, it was in reality the fame. Ariftotle, ftrict, methodic, and orderly; fubtle in thought; fparing in ornament; with little addrefs to the paffions or imagination; but exhibiting the

racy of their commonwealths; wafted their ftrength; made them jealous of each other; and thus paved a way for the contemptible kingdom of Macedon to enflave them all, and afcend in a few years to univerfal monarchy.

A like luxuriance of profperity fowed dif cord among the Romans; raised thofe unhappy contefts between the fenate and the Gracchi; between Sylla and Marius; between Pompey and Cæfar; till at length, after the last struggle for liberty by thofe brave patriots, Brutus and Caffius at Philippi, and the fubfequent defeat of Antony at Actium, the Romans became fubject to the dominion of a fellow citizen.

It must indeed be confeffed, that after Alexander and Octavius had established their monarchies, there were many bright geniufes, who were eminent under their government. Aristotle maintained a friendship and epiftolary correfpondence with Alexander. In the time of the fame monarch lived Theophraftus, and the cynic Diogenes. Then alfo Demofthenes and Æfchines fpoke their two celebrated orations. So likewife, in the time of Octavius, Virgil wrote his neid, and with Horace, Varius, and many other fine writers, partook of his protection and royal munificence. But then it must be remembered, that thefe men were bred and educated in the principles of a free government. It was hence they derived that high and manly fpirit which made them the admiration of after-ages. The fucceffors and forms of government left by Alexander and Octavius, foon ftopt the growth of any thing farther in the kind. So true is that noble faying of Longinus—Oçéfar re yàg inavà tà φρονήματα των μεγαλοφρόνων ἡ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑ, καὶ ἐπελ πισαι, καὶ ἅμα διαθεῖν τὸ πρόθυμον τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλες έριδος, ἢ τῆς περὶ τὰ πρωτεία φιλοτιμίας. “It is liberty that is formed to nurfe the fentiments of great geniufes; to infpire them with hope; to push forward the propensity of conteft one with another, and the generous emulation of being the first in rank." De Subl, Sect. 44.

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whole with fuch a pregnant brevity, that in every fentence we seem to read a page. How exquifitely is this all performed in Greek! Let thofe, who imagine it may be done as well in another language, fatis fy themselves, either by attempting to tranflate him, or by perufing his tranflations already made by men of learning. On the contrary, when we read either Xenophon or Plato, nothing of this method and ftrict order appears. The formal and didactic is wholly dropt. Whatever they may teach, it is without profeffing to be teachers; a train of dialogue and truly polite addrefs, in which, as in a mirror, we behold human life adorned in all its colours of fentiment and manners.

And yet, though thefe differ in this manner from the Stagyrite, how different are they likewise in character from each other! Plato, copious, figurative, and majestic; intermixing at times the facetious and fatiric; enriching his works with tales and fables, and the myftic theology of ancient times. Xenophon, the pattern of perfect fimplicity; every where fmooth, harmonious, and pure; declining the figurative, the marvellous, and the mystic; afcending but rarely into the fublime; nor then fo much trusting to the colours of style, as to the intrinfic dignity of the fentiment itself.

The language, in the mean time, in which he and Plato wrote, appears to fuit fo accurately with the ftyle of both, that, when we read either of the two, we cannot help thinking, that it is he alone who has hit its character, and that it could not have appeared fo elegant in any other

manner.

And thus is the Greek tongue, from its propriety and univerfality, made for all that is great and all that is beautiful, in every fubject and under every form of writing:

Graiis ingenium, Graiis dedit ore rotundo
Mufa loqui.

It were to be wished, that thofe amongst us, who either write or read with a view to employ their liberal leifure (for as to fuch as do either from views more fordid, we leave them, like flaves, to their destined drudgery) it were to be wished, I fay, that the liberal (if they have a relish for letters) would infpect the finished models of Grecian literature; that they would not waste thofe hours, which they cannot recal, upon the meaner productions of the French

and English prefs; upon that fungous growth of novels and of pamphlets, where it is to be feared, they rarely find any rational pleasure, and more rarely ftill any folid improvement.

To be competently fkilled in ancient learning is by no means a work of fuch infuperable pains. The very progrefs itfelf is attended with delight, and resembles a journey through fome pleafant country, where, every mile we advance, new charms arife. It is certainly as eafy to be a fcholar, as a gamefter, or many other characters equally illiberal and low. The fame application, the fame quantity of habit, will fit us for one as completely as for the other. And as to those who tell us, with an air of feeming wisdom, that it is men, and not books, we muft ftudy to become knowing; this I have always remarked, from repeated experience, to be the common confolation and language of dunces. They fhelter their ignorance under a few bright exampies, whofe tranfcendent abilities, without the common helps, have been fufficient of themfelves to great and important ends. But, alas!

Decipit exemplar vitiis imitabile

In truth, each man's understanding, when ripened and mature, is a compofite of natural capacity, and of fuperinduced habit. Hence the greatest men will be neceffarily thofe who poffefs the best capacities, cultivated with the beft habits. Hence alfo moderate capacities, when adorned with valuable fcience, will far tranfcend others the most acute by nature, when either neglected, or applied to low and bafe purposes. And thus, for the honour of culture and good learning, they are able to render a man, if he will take the pains, intrinfically more excellent than his natural fuperiors.

Harris.

207. Hiftory of the Limits and Extent of the Middle Age.

When the magnitude of the Roman empire grew enormous, and there were two imperial cities, Rome and Constantinople, then that happened which was natural; out of one empire it became two, diftinguished by the different names of the Western, and the Eaftern.

The Weltern empire foon funk. So early as in the fifth century, Rome, once the miftrefs of nations, beheld herself at the feet of a Gothic fovereign. The Eaftlern empire lafted many centuries

longer,

Harris.

longer, and, though often impaired by of the day, helps at leaft to fave us from external enemies, and weakened as often the totality of darkness. by internal factions, yet ftill it retained traces of its ancient fplendor, refembling, § 208. An Account of the Destruction of the in the language of Virgil, fome fair but faded flower:

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- At length, after various plunges and various escapes, it was totally annihilated in the fifteenth century by the victorious arms of Mahomet the Great.

The interval between the fall of thefe two empires (the Western or Latin in the fifth century, the Eaftern or Grecian in the fifteenth) making a space of near a thousand years, conftitutes what we call the Middle Age.

Dominion paffed during this interval into the hands of rude, illiterate men: men who conquered more by multitude than by military kill; and who, having little or no talte either for fciences or arts, naturally defpifed those things from which they had reaped no advantage.

This was the age of Monkery and Legends; of Leonine verfes, (that is, of bad Latin put into rhime;) of projects to decide truth by ploughshares and battoons; of crufades, to conquer infidels, and extirpate heretics; of princes depofed, not as Creefus was by Cyrus, but one who had no armies, and who did not even wear a fword.

Different portions of this age have been distinguished by different defcriptions: fuch as Sæculum Monotheleticum, Sæculum Eiconoclafticum, Sæculum Obfcurum, Sæculum Ferreum, Sæculum Hildibrandinum, &c.; ftrange names it must be confeft, fome more obvious, others lefs fo, yet none tending to furnish us with any high or promifing ideas.

And yet we must acknowledge, for the honour of humanity and of its great and divine Author, who never forfakes it, that fome sparks of intellect were at all times vifible, through the whole of this dark and dreary period. It is here we must look for the taste and literature of the times.

The few who were enlightened, when arts and sciences were thus obfcured, may be faid to have happily maintained the continuity of knowledge; to have been (if I may use the expreffion) like the twilight of a fummer's night; that aufpicious gleam between the setting and the rifing fun, which, though it cannot retain the luftre

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Alexandrian Library.

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"When Alexandria was taken by the "Mahometans, Amrus, their commander, "found there Philoponus, whofe conver"fation highly pleased him, as Amrus was "a lover of letters, and Philoponus a "learned man. On a certain day Philo"ponus faid to him: You have vifited "all the repofitories or public warehouses "in Alexandria, and you have fealed up things of every fort that are found there. "As to those things that may be useful to "you, I prefume to fay nothing; but as "to things of no fervice to you, some of "them perhaps may be more fuitable to "me.' Amrus faid to him: And what "is it you want?' The philofophical "books (replied he) preferved in the royal «libraries." This (faid Amrus) is a requeft upon which I cannot decide. You "defire a thing where I can iffue no or"ders till I have leave from Omar, the "commander of the faithful.'-Letters "were accordingly written to Omar, in" forming him of what Philoponus had

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faid; and an answer was returned by "Omar, to the following purport: As "to the books of which you have made " mention, if there be contained in them "what accords with the book of God

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(meaning the Alcoran) there is without "them, in the book of God, all that is "fufficient. But if there be any thing in "them repugnant to that book, we in no "refpect want them. Order them there"fore to be all deftroyed.' Amrus, upon

this ordered them to be difperfed through "the baths of Alexandria, and to be there "burnt in making the baths warm. After "this manner, in the space of fix months, "they were all confumed."

The hiftorian, having related the story, adds from his own feelings, "Hear what "was done, and wonder!"

Thus ended this noble library; and thus began, if it did not begin fooner, the age of barbarity and ignorance.

Ibid.

§ 209. A short historical Account of ATHENS, from the Time of her PERSIAN Triumphs to that of her becoming Subject to the TURKS.-Sketch, during this long Interval, of her Political and Literary State; of her Philofophers; of her Gymnafia; of her good and bad For

tune,

tune, &c. &c.-Manners of the prefent Inhabitants.-Olives and Honey.

When the Athenians had delivered themselves from the tyranny of Piliftratus, and after this had defeated the vaft efforts of the Perfians, and that against two fucceffive invaders, Darius and Xerxes, they may be confidered as at the fummit of their national glory. For more than half a century afterwards they maintained, without controul, the fovereignty

of Greece*.

As their tafte was naturally good, arts of every kind foon rofe among them, and flourished. Valour had given them reputation; reputation gave them an afcendant; and that afcendant produced a fecurity, which left their minds at eafe, and gave them leifure to cultivate every thing liberal or elegant.

It was then that Pericles adorned the city with temples, theatres, and other beautiful public buildings. Phidias, the great fculptor, was employed as his architect; who, when he had erected edifices, adorned them himself, and added flatues and bafforelievos, the admiration of every beholder. It was then that Polygnotus and Myro painted; that Sophocles and Euripides wrote; and, not long after, that they faw the divine Socrates.

Human affairs are by nature prone to change; and states, as well as individuals, are born to decay. Jealoufy and ambition infenfibly fomented wars; and fuccefs in thefe wars, as in others, was often various. The military ftrength of the Athenians was firft impaired by the Lacedemonians; after that, it was again humiliated, under Epaminondas, by the Thebans; and, laft of all, it was wholly crushed by the Macedonian Philip.

But though their political fovereignty was loft, yet, happily for mankind, their love of literature and arts did not fink along with it.

Juft at the clofe of their golden days of empire, flourished Xenophon and Plato, the difciples of Socrates; and from Plato defcended that race of philofophers called the Old Academy.

Ariftotle, who was Plato's disciple, may be faid not to have invented a new philofophy, but rather to have tempered the fublime and rapturous myfteries of his maf

For thefe hiftorical facts confult the ancient and modern authors of Grecian hiftory.

ter with method, order, and a stricter mode of reafoning.

Zeno, who was himself also educated in the principles of Platoniím, only differed from Plato in the comparative eftimate of things, allowing nothing to be intrinfically good but virtue, nothing intrinfically bad but vice, and confidering all other things to be in themselves indifferent.

He too, and Ariftotle, accurately culti vated logic, but in different ways: for Ariftotle chiefly dwelt upon the fimple fyllogifm; Zeno upon that which is derived out of it, the compound or hypothetic. Both too, as well as other philofophers, cultivated rhetoric along with logic; holding a knowledge in both to be requifite for thofe who think of addreffing mankind with all the efficacy of perfuafion. Zeno elegantly illuftrated the force of these two powers by a fimile, taken from the hand: the clofe power of logic he compared to the fift, or hand compreft; the diffuse power of logic, to the palm, or hand open.

I fhall mention but two fects more, the New Academy, and the Epicurean.

The New Academy, fo called from the Old Academy (the name given to the fchool of Plato) was founded by Arcefilas, and ably maintained by Carneades. From a mistaken imitation of the great parent of philofophy, Socrates, (particularly as he ap pears in the dialogues of Plato) because Socrates doubted fome things, therefore Arcefilas and Carneades doubted all.

Epicurus drew from another fource; Democritus had taught him atoms and a void. By the fortuitous concourse of atoms he fancied he could form a world, while by a feigned veneration he complimented away his gods, and totally denied their providential care, left the trouble of it hould impair their uninterrupted ftate of blifs. Virtue he recommended, though not for the fake of virtue, but pleafure; pleasure, according to him, being our chief and fovereign good. It must be confeft, however, that though his principles were erroneous, and even bad, never was a man more temperate and humane; never was a man more beloved by his friends, or more cordially attached to them in affectionate efteem.

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but philofophy, can procure us this knowledge?

It was for this reafon the ableft Greek philofophers not only taught (as we hinted before) but wrote alfo treatifes upon rhetoric. They had a farther inducement, and that was the intrinfic beauty of their language, as it was then spoken among the learned and polite. They would have been ashamed to have delivered philofophy, as it has been too often delivered ince, in compofitions as clumfy as the common dialect of the mere vulgar.

The fame love of elegance, which made them attend to their ftyle, made them attend even to the places where their philofophy was taught.

Plato delivered his lectures in a place fhaded with groves, on the banks of the river Iliffus; and which, as it once belonged to a perfon called Academus, was called after his name, the Academy. Ariftotle chofe another spot of a fimilar character, where there were trees and fhade; a fpot called the Lycæum. Zeno taught in a portico or colonnade, distinguished from other buildings of that fort (of which the Athenians had many) by the name of the Variegated Portico, the walls being decorated with various paintings of Poly gnotus and Myro, two capital mafters of that tranfcendent period. Epicurus addreffed his hearers in thofe well. known gardens called, after his own name, the gardens of Epicurus.

Some of thefe places gave names to the doctrines which were taught there. Plato's philofophy took its name of Academic, from the Academy; that of Zeno was called the Stoic, from a Greek word fignifying a portico.

The fyftem indeed of Ariftotle was not denominated from the place, but was called Peripatetic, from the manner in which he taught; from his walking about at the time when he differted. The term Epicurean philofophy needs no explanation.

Open air, hade, water, and pleasant walks, feem above all things to favour that exercise the best fuited to contemplation, I mean gentle walking, without inducing fatigue. The many agreeable walks in and about Oxford may teach my own countrymen the truth of this affertion, and beft explain how Horace lived, while the ftudent at Athens, employed (as he tells us)

-inter filvas Academi quærere verum. Thefe places of public inftitution were

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called among the Greeks by the name of Gymnafia, in which, whatever that word might have originally meant, were taught all thofe exercifes, and all thofe arts which tended to cultivate not only the body but the mind. As man was a being confisting of both, the Greeks could not confider that education as complete in which both were not regarded, and both properly formed. Hence their Gymnafia, with reference to this double end, were adorned with two ftatues, thofe of Mercury and of Hercules; the corporeal accomplishments being patronized (as they fuppofed) by the God of ftrength, the mental accomplishments, by the God of ingenuity.

It is to be feared, that many places. now called Academies, scarce deserve the name upon this extenfive plan, if the profeffors teach no more than how to dance, fence, and ride upon horfes.

It was for the cultivation of every liberal accomplishment that Athens was celebrated (as we have faid) during many centuries, long after her political influence was loft, and at an end.

When Alexander the Great died, many tyrants, like many hydras, immediately fprung up. Athens then, though she still maintained the form of her ancient government, was perpetually checked and humiliated by their infolence. Antipater deftroyed her orators, and fhe was facked by Demetrius. At length fhe became fubject to the all-powerful Romans, and found the cruel Sylla her feverest enemy.

His face (which perhaps indicated his manners) was of a purple red, intermixed with white. This circumstance could not escape the witty Athenians: they defcribed him in a verfe, and ridiculously faid,

Sylla's face is a mulberry, fprinkled with meal.

The devaftations and carnage which he caufed foon after, gave them too much reafon to repent their farcafm.

The civil war between Cæfar and Pompey foon followed, and their natural love of liberty made them fide with Pompey. Here again they were unfortunate, for Cæfar conquered. But Cæfar did not treat them like Sylla. With that clemency, which made fo amiable a part of his character, he difmiffed them, by a fine allufion to their illuftrious ancestors, faying. that he fpared the living for the fake of the dead.'

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Another ftorm followed foon after this, the wars of Brutus and Caflius with Augu ftus and Antony. Their partiality for li

berty

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