proof of the unity of the American people in the feeling, of which himself is conscious, that he has a personal property in the glory which our fathers gained, by their sacrifices and efforts, in achieving our national independence, though he be unable to trace his lineage from them? What citizen of New England can visit the Rock of Plymouth and not feel that, where the Pilgrims first set foot on these shores, is to him a consecrated spot? Or, who can stand on Bunker Hill or on the Plain at Yorktown, and his bosom not swell with emotions of admiration for those who wrought the great work, commenced and ended on these fields?-with deeper reverence, also, and warmer love for the institutions which the scenes, enacted there, contributed to establish? and with pride that he is a citizen of that land which can boast of such events in her history? Such reminiscences bind us, as a people, to the institutions we cherish, and to one another. We felt a lively interest in the erection of the monument which now crowns Bunker Hill. In sight of that noble structure our love of country, our veneration for her institutions, and especially for the great principles evolved in the struggle for her independence, are kindled anew. The bloody fight, which steeped that soil in gore, always comes up to view; the haughty foe, the few rustic, undisciplined, dauntless defenders of their rights, the burning town, the neighboring heights covered with anxious, breathless spectators of the work which fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons were doing in their behalf; but all this soon passes away. We think of the momentous principles which were then in conflict. Such monuments are ever teaching their great lesson; reminding the citizen less of the particular events which they are designed immediately to commemorate, than of the truths and principles, which, alike under sunshine and storm, in solemn grandeur, they steadily, silently, faithfully inculcate; and impressing his obligations and duties as a citizen of a land most favored of Heaven. During a session of Congress, a few years since, much form and ceremonial attended the presentation of the sword of Washington, and the staff of Franklin. The Hall of Representatives was thronged. The office of making the presentation, by common consent, was committed to one whose long life and most distinguished public service, whose undoubted, long-tried patriotism, and whose wonderful powers and attainments made him, beyond any other, the revered and honored of all. Hearts beat with emotion. Tears flowed in view of the scene. But why all this, about a gilded piece of steel and an oaken staff? Reminiscences of the past, big with destinies of the future, clustered around that sword, and that staff; and who can doubt that every member of that assemblage, which embraced the heads of influence in the land, retired from the scene truer to his obligations as a citizen of the Republic, which the counsel and valor of Washington, and the profound, sagacious wisdom of Franklin, contributed so much to establish? A few years since was opened near Ratisbon, on a hill overlooking the Danube, the Walhalla, a grand national temple, consecrated to the memory of celebrated Germans. The busts of one hundred and fifty eminent men were at once placed within it. The design was conceived by the King of Bavaria. Said the King, in his speech, at the consecration: "May it serve to develop and consolidate German nationality. May all Germans, to whatsoever race they belong, feel that they have one common country; a country of which they may be proud; and may each individual labor, according to his faculties, to promote the welfare and honor of his country!" Another source or fountain of national feeling is found in the literature of a nation. In science, there can be no nationality. Founded on immutable, eternal relations, science is not susceptible of the modifications which spring from the peculiarities of national character. The literature of a nation takes its form and impress from the peculiarities of the people. It is the voice of the nation uttering itself; and may therefore cherish the nationality of a people. It moulds, too, the national mind. How much even the lightest, most fugitive forms of literature, popular songs, contribute to this effect, we know among ourselves. Our own national song, vulgar though it be, did much to foster the spirit of the revolution. "Scots wha hae with Wallace bled," "Ye Mariners of England," the Marseillaise Hymn, in certain seasons, have been, and are, like the sound of a trumpet or like a bugle note, stirring the innermost heart of a whole people. In a remote Canadian village, let the band strike "God save the King," and we shall see the whole audience rise, and uncover their heads. It is the spirit of nationality doing reverence to their lovely and beloved Queen over the waters! We are republicans; but we honor such loyalty, not as homage to a crowned head, but as the act of a faithful, patriotic people rendering due respect to their constituted head. The nation that cherishes not a spirit of allegiance to the representative of its govern ment, be he king, president, consul, archon, or governor, is unworthy of the name of nation, and will not possess it long, as we may subsequently more fully show. The chief merit of Burns,-his chief influence as a poet, lies in his songs. A remarkable increase of nationality in British, especially in Scottish literature, has been noticed since his time, and may doubtless be ascribed, in part, to the influence of his songs, which are peculiarly domestic and national. He speaks of himself as ever cherishing "A wish (I mind its power,) A wish, that to my latest hour Will strongly heave my breast; That I, for poor auld Scotland's sake Some useful plan, or book could make, "Sing a sang!" A small offering, it might seem, and yet, sung in hut and hall, it might arouse a realm. In the rising of Germany against Napoleon, a youthful writer sent a song to Blücher, the Prussian Marshal. He applauded the effort of the young man; and thus expressed his sense of the value of popular songs in his brief, emphatic way: "They scatter fire among a people. The people must be roused; some with a sword, some with a song." Literature, in its highest walks, may be a most copious fountain of national feeling. The Niebelungenleid has ever been cherished by the Germans as a National treasure, like the Iliad of the Greeks, and the Aeneid of the Romans. Its hold on the German mind was seen during the period to which we have referred, more than once, when, in the general union against Napoleon, the new-born nationality of German feeling rose to an unexampled height, and led to an excessive admiration for everything that belonged to German antiquity. Nothing can exceed the delight with which this old poem was then read and studied. This, and other treasures of her literature, revived all the great historical reminiscences of the German people. It roused them from their despondency by pointing back to the old popular heroes, and to their struggles for liberty. Learning and poetry combined their energies in the revival of Nationality. We need not multiply illustrations on this point. Is it of no moment to an Englishman, that Shakspeare or Sir Walter Scott was a fellow-countryman? Who, from Land's End to John O'Groat's, that can read at all, does not claim some property in the genius and labors of these men? In the words of a living, popular though eccentric, writer of England: “England, before long, will hold but a small fraction of the English; - in America, in New Holland, east and west to the very antipodes, there will be a Saxondom covering great spaces of the globe. And now what is it that can keep all these together into virtually one nation, so that they do not fall out and fight, but live at peace, in brotherly intercourse, helping one another? This is justly regarded as the greatest practical problem, the thing all manner of sovereignties and governments are here to accomplish; what is it that will accomplish this? Acts of Parliament, administrative prime ministers cannot. America is parted from us, so far as Parliament could part it. Call it not fantastic, for there is much reality in it;- Here, I say, is an English King whom, no time or chance, Parliament or combination of Parliaments, can dethrone. This King Shakspeare! does not he shine in crowned sovereignty over us all, as the noblest, gentlest, yet strongest of rallying signs; indestructible; really more valuable, in that point of view, than any other means or appliance whatsoever? We can fancy him as radiant aloft over all the nations of Englishmen, a thousand years hence. From Paramatta, from New York, wheresoever, under what sort of Parish Constable soever, English men and women are, they will say to one another: Yes, this Shakspeare is ours; we produced him; we speak and think by him; we are of one blood and kind with him.'" Or to come home to ourselves; what American would consent to surrender the citizenship of Edwards, or Irving, or Prescott, and blot out the record of their American birth? Their genius, their studies, their honors are a part of our national treasures. They enter our dwellings; are the companions of the fireside; are cherished with pride by every American heart; they nourish the sympathies which bind us, as a people, together. A yet more important source of common sympathy, a stronger bond of union, and, of course, a more fruitful source of nationality, is found in the system of public education. 66 The Prussian system of education is the most perfect now known. But a prominent object, avowedly kept in view by Hardenburg, the Minister of Instruction, to whom it is indebted for its perfection, was to awaken a national spirit. This system has been denominated, by some one, ❝ a wonderful machine of state-craft," so great is its influence in wedding the subject of it to whatever is national. But in our system of free schools there is a source or element of power, which the Prussian has not, nor any other: it not only emanates from the people, but it is managed by the people. Neither Government, nor church, opens school-houses, provides teachers, and bids parents send their children. What we do is, indeed, under the sanction and authority of Government; but the will of the Government is our will, and that will we execute ourselves. We choose our committees, |