and joyful sense of the House of his gracious offers, and their humble and hearty thanks to his Majesty for the same, and with professions of their loyalty and duty to his Majesty, and that this House will give a speedy answer to his Majesty's gracious proposals. A committee was appointed accordingly. Resolved, unanimously, That the sum of £50,000 be presented to his Majesty by the House.

Tuesday afternoon. Resolved, That this House doth agree with the Lords and do own and declare, that according to the ancient and fundamental laws of this kingdom, the government is and ought to be by king, Lords, and Commons.

Samuel Pepys, writer of the diary from which a number of extracts will be made in this chapter, was a royalist at heart, and was in London at the time of the Restoration. He was in the service of the earl of Sandwich, whom he always refers to as "my lord," and was sent with him by parliament to Holland with a fleet to bring King Charles to England. His narrative here begins with the king embarking in this fleet.

...

310. Extracts May 23rd. . . . All day nothing but lords and persons of from Pepys' honour on board, that we were exceedingly full. Dined in a diary (May, 1660) great deal of state, the royall company by themselves in the coach, which was a blessed sight to see. I dined with Dr. Clerke, Dr. Quarterman, and Mr. Darcy in my cabin. This morning Mr. Lucy came on board, to whom and his company of the King's Guard in another ship my lord did give three dozen bottles of wine. He made friends between Mr. Pierce and me. After dinner the king and duke altered the The fleet with names of some of the ships, viz. the Nazeby into Charles; the Richard, James; the Speaker, Mary; . . . That done, the queen, princess royal, and prince of Orange took leave of the king, and the duke of York went on board the London, for England and the duke of Gloucester, the Swiftsure. Which done, we weighed anchor, and with a fresh gale and most happy weather we set sail for England.

the king and his brother,

the duke of York, sails

All the afternoon the king walked here and there, up and down (quite contrary to what I thought him to have been), very active and stirring. Upon the quarter-deck he fell into discourse of his escape from Worcester, where it made me ready to weep to hear the stories that he told of his difficulties that he passed through, as his travelling four days and three nights on foot, every step up to his knees in dirt, with nothing but a green coat and a pair of country breeches on, and a pair of country shoes that made him so sore all over his feet, that he could scarce stir. Yet he was forced to run away from a miller and other company, that took them for rogues. His sitting at table at one place, where the master of the house, that had not seen him in eight years, did know him, but kept it private; when at the same table there was one that had been of his own regiment at Worcester, could not know him, but made him drink the king's health, and said that the king was at least four fingers higher than he. At another place he Adventures was by some servants of the house made to drink, that they might know him not to be a Roundhead, which they swore he battle of was. In another place at his inn, the master of the house, as Worcester the king was standing with his hands upon the back of a chair by the fire-side, kneeled down and kissed his hand, privately, saying, that he would not ask him who he was, but bid God bless him whither he was going. Then the difficulty of getting a boat to get into France, where he was fain to plot with the master thereof to keep his design from the four men and a boy (which was all his ship's company), and so got to Fécamp in France. At Rouen he looked so poorly that the people went into the rooms before he went away to see whether he had not stole something or other. . . .

24th. Up, and made myself as fine as I could, with the stockings on and wide canons [boots] that I bought the other day at Hague. Extraordinary press of noble company, and great mirth all the day. There dined with me in my cabin (that is, the carpenter's) Dr. Earle and Mr. Hollis, the king's chaplains. . . . I was called to write a pass for my lord Mandeville to take up horses to London, which I wrote in the king's name and carried it to him to sign, which was the first

of Charles after the

Landing of
Charles II

at Dover

and only one that he ever signed in the ship Charles. To bed, coming in sight of land a little before night.

25th. By the morning we were come close to the land and every body made ready to get on shore. The king and the two dukes did eat their breakfast before they went, and there being set some ship's diet before them, only to show them the manner of the ship's diet, they eat of nothing else but pease and pork, and boiled beef. I had Mr. Darcy in my cabin and Dr. Clerke, who eat with me, told me how the king had given £50 to Mr. Sheply for my lord's servants, and £500 among the officers and common men of the ship. I spoke with the duke of York about business, who called me Pepys by name, and upon my desire did promise me his future favour. Great expectation of the king's making some knights, but there was none.

About noon (though the brigantine that Beale made was there ready to carry him) yet he would go in my lord's barge with the two dukes. Our captain steered, and my lord went along bare with him. I went, and Mr. Mansell, and one of the king's footmen, with a dog that the king loved, . . . in a boat by ourselves, and so got on shore when the king did, who was received by General Monk with all imaginable love and respect at his entrance upon the land of Dover. Infinite the crowd and the horsemen, citizens, and noblemen of all sorts. The mayor of the town came and gave him his white staff, the badge of his place, which the king did give him again. The mayor also presented him from the town a very rich bible, which he took and said it was the thing that he loved above all things in the world. A canopy was provided for him to stand under, which he did, and talked awhile with General Monk and others, and so into a stately coach there set for him, and so away through the town towards Canterbury, without making any stay at Dover. The shouting and joy expressed by all is past imagination.

The following descriptions of Charles II, James, duke of York, and the earls of Clarendon and Shaftesbury, two of the most influential statesmen of the Restoration

period, were written by Gilbert Burnet, a learned Scotch clergyman who came to England at this time and obtained a clerkship under the government, which gave him good opportunities of observing, though no great influence or income. Later he was appointed bishop of Salisbury, and wrote a History of the Reformation and a History of His Own Time.

ter sketches

The king is certainly the best bred man in the world, for the 311. Characqueen mother observed often the great defects of the late king's of the king, breeding, and the stiff roughness that was in him, by which he etc. disobliged very many and did often prejudice his affairs very much; so she gave strict orders that the young princes should be bred to a wonderfull civility. The king is civil rather to an excess and has a softness and gentleness with him, both in his air and expressions, that has a charm in it. The duke would also pass for a extraordinary civil and sweet-tempered man, if the king were not much above him in hit, who is more naturally and universally civil than the duke. The king has a vast deal of wit, indeed no man has more, and a great deal of judgment, when he thinks fitt to employ it. He has strange command of himselfe; he can pass from business to pleasure and from pleasure to business in so easy a manner that all things seem alike to him. He has the greatest art of concealing himselfe of any man alive, so that those about him cannot tell when he is ill or well pleased, and in private discourse he will hear all sorts of things in such a manner that a man cannot know whether he hears them or not, or whether he is well or ill pleased with them. He is very affable not only in publick but in private, only he talks too much and runns out too long and too farr. He has a very ill opinion both of men and of women, and so is infinitely distrustfull; he thinks the world is governed wholly by interests, and indeed he has known so much of the baseness of mankind that no wonder if he has hard thoughts of them. . . .

He has knowledge in many things, chiefly in all navy affaires; even in the architecture of shipps he judges as critically

His opinions on religion

The duke of York, afterward James II

as any of the

trade can do, and knows the smallest things belonging to it. He understands much natural philosophy and is a good chymist; he knows many mechanical things and the inferiour part of the mathematicks, but not the demonstrative. He is very little conversant in books, and young and old he could never apply himself to literature. . . .

He has many odd opinions about religion and morality. He thinks an implicitness in religion is necessary for the safety of government, and he looks upon all inquisitiveness into those things as mischievous to the state. He thinks all appetites are free, and that God will never damn a man for allowing himselfe a little pleasure; and on this has so fixed his thoughts that no disorders of any kind have ever been seen to give him any trouble when they are over; and in sickness, except his ague in '79, he seemed to have no concern on his mind; and yet I believe he is no atheist, but that rather he has formed an odd idea of the goodness of God in his mind; he thinks, to be wicked and to design mischief is the only thing that God hates, and has said to me often, that he was sure he was not guilty of that. I think I have gone pretty far, and scarce know how I should 'scape under the present chief justice, if this should happen to be seased on.

I go next to the duke; he has not the king's witt nor quickness, but that is made up by great application, in so much that he keeps a journal of all that passes, of which he shewed me once a great deal, and he has employed the late dutchesse to write it out in the style of a history, for she writes very correctly, and he intended to have made me prosecute what she has begun, — what he shewed me. He has naturally a candour and a justice in his temper very great, and is a firm friend, but a heavy enemy, and will keep things long in his mind and wait for a fitt opportunity. He has a strange notion of government, that everything is to be carried on in a high way and that no regard is to be had to the pleasing the people; he has an ill opinion of any that proposes soft methods and thinks that is popularity; but at the same time he always talks of law and justice. He is apt enough to receive an enemy upon an absolute submission, but he will strain hard to ruin an enemy that