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occasioned by the emancipation of the former slaves. This momentous political event dated back to the middle of the war, when President Lincoln had issued his proclamation that after the first of January, 1863, all persons held as slaves in States then in rebellion, should be "thenceforth and forever free." The step was a war-measure, for which, it was conceded, there was no authority in the Constitution, but as yet the great ukase aimed at the South was merely waste paper. It was an authoritative statement of the Federal programme, but had no direct results. The slaves obtained their freedom only in territory occupied by the Federal arms, retaining elsewhere their former condition, and apparently perfectly willing to retain it. During the whole term of the war, there were few desertions by any of the colored population to the Federal side. They remained at home, in perfect quiet, cultivating the soil as before, and were often the best friends of their master's family. Numberless proofs might be given of this extraordinary faithfulness and attachment, and it remains the everlasting honor of this singular and despised race. When they had it in their power to work untold woe to women and children whose protectors were in the army, they exhibited the truest devotion, and not only would not desert them, but worked faithfully for their support.

But when the war ended the proclamation of emancipation bore its fruits. The Federal legislation perfected the work. On January 31, 1865, Congress directed that an amendment to the Constitution should be submitted to all the States, prescribing that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude" should thenceforth exist in the United States. This amendment, and those of 1868 and 1870, were adopted, and the former slaves,

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now made citizens, took their place as a constituent part of the American people. Every barrier between the races has been leveled with the ground, as far as the action of the General government could effect it. The Africans are now the political equals of all other Americans. They are competent to vote, to preside on the bench, to command in the army, to represent the country at foreign courts, to sit in the Senate, and to officiate as Governors of States, and as Presidents of the United States. It is not surprising that President Lincoln, walking through the streets of Richmond after the surrender, should have gazed with "a pathetic wonder" on the African crowd around him. By his act they had become citizens, and it is possible that he wondered at the probable result.

The personal relations between the white and black races remain friendly. Left to themselves there would be no change whatever; that which exists is the result of political intrigue. But even this has produced few social results. The African continues, in the main, to regard his former master as his best friend, retains his old and sincere attachment to the family with whom he has always lived, and only arrays himself politically against the whites under outside pressure. This friendly sentiment results, in large measure, from his confidence in the regard felt for him by his former owner, and the known indisposition to withhold from him any right to which he is entitled. There is no such disposition. The Virginia people sincerely rejoice that African slavery is done away with; could not be persuaded to have it restored; and sincerely desire that the race may avail themselves of the system of public education and become well informed and respectal le members of the community.

The effect of the war, and the subsequent changes in organic law, on Virginia society, is a large and interesting subject, which demands a separate treatment. Such treatment is impossible at present; the causes have not produced their full results and are still in operation. The general drift of the times may, however, be discerned without difficulty. New Virginia is moving in the direction of practical results. The fact is recognized that agriculture is not the only source of wealth, and the modern Virginian is now looking to mining, manufactures, the construction of railways, and the development of all the resources of the Commonwealth. The "Bourbon" spirit attributed to the people is an absurd figment of political partisans. So far are the Virginians from having learned nothing and forgotten nothing, that their past seems to have been effaced, and the future to have become the sole thought of the people. It may be said of them that they are weary of being poor, and see the necessity of occupying their time with things more profitable than political discussions. The men who once dissipated their resources by extravagance have grown prudent; the young, who were once suffered to be idle, are now taught to work; and the people of the country called "Old Virginia,” in a spirit of respectful compassion, seem resolved to erect a New Virginia by energy and labor.

The resources of the State, especially in minerals, are known to be inexhaustible. In parts of the Tidewater, but chiefly in the Valley and the Alleghany region, are found gold, silver, copper, the best hematite, granite, marble, salt, and deposits of bituminous and other coal, rivaling those of Pennsylvania. The State has sent to the assay offices more than two millions in gold, and

twenty-five million pounds of lead have been taken from one county. These are only a few of the mineral resources of the State, which, especially in the southwest, is a mine of wealth. Up to the time of the war this wealth remained undeveloped, and the absence of railways discouraged capital; but this obstacle is at last removed. New lines now penetrate the country, the most important of which are the Chesapeake and Ohio, crossing the State from east to west through the remarkable region of the Mineral Springs, and the Shenandoah Valley, through the Luray Valley, from north to south. These railways already carry a vast freight and are rapidly developing the resources of the country; and another line is projected to pass through the two Virginias and connect Baltimore and Cincinnati by way of the Kanawha. Further details of the material condition of Virginia at the present time, of her public institutions, finances, manufactures, and trade, must be looked for in official documents. The population of the State, which in 1870 was 1,225,163, was in 1880, 1,512203, nearly that of the two Virginias in 1860. This population is contained in a territory nearly identical with that of the old Colony, which consisted of the region between the Chesapeake and the Alleghanies.

Virginia has thus resumed her old boundaries at the time of the Revolution, and the character of the people remains substantially the same. They are, however, confronted by new responsibilities and duties, and look forward to the untried future with hope and confidence. The mighty pulse of the modern world is beating in the hearts of the people; and the future of Virginia depends now, as in the past, on the Virginians.

INDEX.

ACADIA, the French expelled from, | Assembly, General. (See Burgesses.)

108.
Accomac granted to Arlington and

Culpepper, 233; Berkeley takes ref-
uge in, 266; scenes of the Rebellion
there, 274-277, 293; people of, 368.
Adams, John, his opinion of the first
Congress, 421; seconds the motion
for independence, 440; Callender's
satire upon, 482.

Alexander, Archibald, 325; his works,
94.

Alien and Sedition Laws, 480, 481;
trial of Callender under, 482; ef-
fect of on the fortunes of the Fed-
eral party, 483.

America, origin of the name, 4.
Amonate, a name of Pocahontas, 103.
Andros, Edmund, Governor, 302.
Annapolis, battle near, 214.
Anne, Queen, proclamation of, 309;
popularity of the name in Virginia,
309.

Appomattock, Queen of, 31, 35.
Archer, member of Council, 63; is ar-
rested by Smith, 65.

Argall, Samuel, 56; takes Pocahontas

prisoner, 93; expels the Acadians,
108; sails up the Hudson, 108; ap-
pointed Governor, 111; his rapacity
and treatment of Brewster, 112; his
character, 112.

Argall's Gift, one of the original bor-
oughs, 115.

Arlington, the Earl of, obtains a grant
of all Virginia, 233; provisions of
grant to, 233.

Arnold, Benedict, invades Virginia,
456; captures and burns Rich-
mond, 457; returns to Portsmouth,
458.

Arthur, said to have visited America
circ. A. D. 600, 3.

"Articles at the surrender of the
Country," 197.

Attorney, mercenary, laws in refer-
ence to, 203, 204.

Axacan, the Indian name for North
Carolina, 1.

BACON, NATHANIEL, his origin and tem-
perament, 238-240; proclaimed a
rebel, 242; defeats the Indians at
Bloody Run, 243; is arrested, 245;
his interview with Berkeley, 246;
his submission, 248, 249; escapes,
257; returns, 259; his violence, 260,
261; appointed General, 262; again
declared a rebel, 264; at Middle
Plantation, 271; at Jamestown,
278; seizes the wives of the Berke-
ley-men and places them on his
earthworks, 279-281; defeats Berke-
ley and burns Jamestown, 282; his
violence in Gloucester, 285, 286;
his death, 286; the question of the
cause of his death, 286, 287; burial,
288; character, 288-292.

Bacon, Nathaniel, Sr., draws up Ba-
con's confession of guilt, 247; Lieu-
tenant-Governor, 301.

Baptists, persecution of, 221, 222, 337,
391; the first churches, 390; ardor
of the, 390; in 1774, 392; their hos-
tility to the Establishment, 392-394.
Baltimore, Cecilius Calvert, Lord, col-
onizes Maryland, 177.

Baltimore, Sir George Calvert, Baron,
visits Virginia, 176; reception by
the people, 177; obtains a grant of
Maryland and dies, 177.

Barber, Gabriel, "Dust and Ashes,"
146.

Batte, Henry, visits western Virginia,
234.

Beaujeu, De, attacks Braddock, 350;
is killed, 351.

Bennet, Richard, Governor, his mod-
eration, 201.

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