plans, after the balance of power became broken between the nobles and the commoners. The ambition and success of those innovators was but an effect and consequence of the former. When the uncorrupted part of the senate had, by the death of Cæsar, made one expiring effort to restore their former state and liberty, the success failed of their hopes, for the bulk of that assembly had so fallen below the level of virtue, both in its principles and authority, that those real patriots had no alternative but flight, or entire submission to the madness of the multitude; who, stirred up by the inflammatory harangues of designing orators, were bent upon setting up single and despotic slavery, and by the introduction of the profligate Antony and the worthless Octavius, disgraced for ever the fairer annals of a mighty empire,-infamy succeeding infamy in design and execution, until the vilest despotism became entailed, that Heaven in its displeasure ever suffered to be inflicted on a debased people. The circumstances which led to this entire national ruin are worthy of contemplation in our present popular proceedings,-the objects are analogous, and, if not treated with firmness and circumspection, and counterpoised by sound legislation, are capable of producing similar results.

It is incumbent on those men, who promulgate inconsiderately the sentiment that " Knowledge is power," to inform their hearers and readers of the poorer orders, or the less cultivated amongst the people, in what the actual merits of knowledge consist. Solon's maxim was, yvõli σɛavтòv, "Know thyself." It certainly is not the general display of the passions and party bias at popular meetings, which mani.. fests either the faculty of knowledge, or the ability to censure with effect the errors of government,―much less the competency to originate and execute any plans of amelioration for the general welfare. The great aim of all public bodies, asso

ciated for political purposes, if they desire to sustain a legitimate or truly constitutional character, should be the general conservation of the state, on purely independent principles, divested of party feeling and motives of personal interest, or personal hostility; for thus only can reformation of useful institutions, and the gradual correction of abuses, be placed on a rational or permanent basis, and the consequent security of the equitable rights of all established. But where is this impartial or genuine patriotic spirit to be found? Alas! not amongst those who call most loudly for equality of civil interests, and a more general community of distinctions! The very tyranny of opinion they exercise, at once negatives the value of their patriotism, and tests the worth of their discretion. Their violence abundantly establishes the fact, that the opinions of all men, on the subject of state reforms, are, more or less, subject to the immediate influence of personal views and party considerations, and that those who declaim most vehemently against that influence, deserve no larger share of credit for integrity of principle, than others who candidly admit the existence of a directing stimulus, as the guide of their actions!

Under a full and candid consideration of the important and apposite reasons adduced in the preceding premises, it must appear evident, that the unlettered and non-intelligent classes can neither draw correct conclusions, nor, under any principle of common security, consistently possess a right of dictation, over the interests of the better informed of their fellow citizens, even in ordinary matters of civil policy, much less on those subjects which, from their very nature, must ever be contingent and intricate: and, although in gross numbers they may constitute the majority, their eagerness in every period of excitement to adopt sentiments and opinions which are entirely incompatible with all the sounder views of

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legislation, and the obligations of a social state,—their ready zeal in support of inflammatory speeches, their eager desire for the perusal and promulgation of all publications of a levelling, and even of an immoral tendency, termed popular," are sufficiently corroborative of the justice of their exclusion from a greater share of equality than that which the constitution has provided.

The active section of the popular classes in this country appears totally regardless of that nicer conception of the value of representative rights, independently administered, which forms at once their greatest privilege and their best protection. They entertain no clear or settled notion, that free society is a state of fluctuating existence, where the compulsory obligation of consolidated law interposes itself to guard the full permansion of those rights; which, after being defined, are recognised and reduced to practice, as the only fair medium of protective assurance, against the inroads of passion, violence, and injustice, from whatever quarter they may arise !

The passion of selfishness is admitted, on all hands, to be a prevalent failing, or subordinate quality in the human character; nor do the advantages of birth, education, station, or even free intercourse with the most liberal amongst mankind, or even the injunctions of the Christian dispensation, sufficiently control the propensity; but admitting this to be a highly exceptionable failing, in our otherwise sufficiently imperfect nature, and one which is severely injurious to the general welfare of society, and free diffusion of the comforts of life, the evil is not one to be corrected by violent or summary measures; neither can that class, however valuable to the state, which, from its very situation in the scale of society, or its possessory means, is below the stage of independence, be considered competent to form an adequate judgment, nor

to give an intelligent, impartial, or deliberate verdict, on points which vitally affect the interests of the possessors of real property; nor over those who obtain derivative benefits, from the use of capital in the state, whether engaged in trade, professions, or commerce.

The man who derives an income of from one to five hundred pounds per annum, from any source whatever, is a far more independent agent, and his vote and opinion is infinitely more valuable, than that which emanates from the mere circumstance of his being subject to the controul of a landlord, for a rental at any given sum, especially one at a low standard. Property, combined with intelligence, should, therefore, always possess the first claim to consideration, and a full voice or due weight in the regulation and amendment of all matters connected with civil policy. Mutual security can only be established by men possessing a fair reciprocity of interests and feelings; nor, is the partial restriction, in their hands, injurious in reality to the well-being of the less wealthy or the less influential of their fellow-men, who must always command their due share of influence, and even of power, in the state; but, on the contrary, the general security of the commonwealth, being preserved by a balanced power of a less vacillating character, its repose must necessarily be productive of the most essential benefits, in the end, to the poorer orders of the community themselves.

When different stations and degrees of political influence are allotted to different classes in a state, where the power of rising to the highest is open to individuals of every class, a sense of honourable emulation will necessarily stimulate the man of high birth or possessions to honourable or distinguished attainments;-the hope of distinction and reward, the man of letters, the merchant, or man of business;-and the prospect of advancement, the artizan or mechanic, to

habits of useful industry. It is strictly on this principle, under a free constitution, and a limited monarchy, like that of England, that the basis of reformed or truly improved popular representation can be formed, to be productive of advantage to the general weal, and the fatal convulsions incidental to Montesquieu's deprecated spirit of democracy effectually controlled. On such a basis rests all that combines security with dignity and power. The salutary ascendency of free government is preserved, without any improper infringement on the consistent rights of the people. It presents that fair system of equality which the natural and dependent condition of man, in the great scheme of the universe, renders necessary in perpetuity for his protection and advancement; and if the utilitas publica is really to be entertained, is as superior to universal suffrage, as the clear light of day to the darkness which prevents the perception of objects beyond a limited sphere in optics, and the only one adapted for a free community of intelligent citizens. Chaque nation doit se gouverner selon les besoins de ses affaires, et la conservation judicieuse du bien public; mais, la science du gouvernement, n'est qu'une science de combinaisons, d'applications, et d'exceptions, selon le temps, les lieux, et les circonstances. Ce qui fait qu'on n'est pas content de sa condition, c'est l'idée chimérique qu'on se forme du bonheur d'autrui! The fine views of Marmontel are supportive of these sentiments, in the fullest degree. "It follows, that to establish good government, the good must be attached to the good, the evil kept with the evil, and the just and useful combined with the honest. This order or system adjusted, you see at once how the manners of the people would sustain the laws, and how far opinion would be instrumental in controling power, under hopes and fears, rewards and punishments, enjoyments and privations. These are the measures which the

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