ro* alludes to the same punishments and speaks of the Christians as a class of men addicted to a new and mischievous superstition: and the same writer in his life of Claudius states, that the Jews were expelled from Rome by this emperor, because they were perpetually engaging in disturbances, to which they were instigated by a certain Chrestus.† This Chrestus some have been disposed to regard not as Christus or Christ, but as a man of Greek extraction, whose history is unknown, save that he was a proselyte to the Jewish faith and excited seditions at Rome. The ground of this opinion is, that Suetonius, had he been ever so ignorant of the christian cause, could not have asserted in regard to Christ, that he was personally at Rome and excited seditions there in the reign of Claudius. But the fact is, that the objection, which the learned men who entertain this view, allege, is not authorized by the passage, from which they pretend to derive it. Suetonius relates, that Claudius banished the Jews from Rome, because they were odious to him on account of their constant disturbances, and he supposed that the author of these disturbances was Chrestus, since he had heard that he, although executed as a criminal, had found many followers, who admitted his claims as king of the Jews, and who still survived him. But that the Jews stirred up commotions at Rome, and that Christ was at Rome in the time of Claudius and excited disturbances there, he does not affirm. Hence there is nothing to forbid the supposition, that Suetonius intended to refer to Christ, who by the mere change of a single letter was, as Lactantius testifies, frequently called Chrestus also by others. Nor is there any real force in the suggestion of Erasmus, that the idea of instigating can be understood only of a person, who is actually present. For when it is said, that the Jews were perpetually raising disturbances, it cannot be meant that they were instigated by the personal agency of the same author. Suetonius, therefore, has mentioned the Christians twice, but c. 16.

† c. 25.

This was the opinion of Hilscher in his essay on the Chrestus, of whom Suetonius makes mention. But we have not been able to examine either this or the essays of Heumann and Wirth on the Chrestus of Suetonius.

§ Institt. div. L. IV. c. 7. The latest editor of Suetonius, Baumgarten-Crusius, Vol. II. p. 55, although not decided in his opinion, still favors our view.

in fewer words than Tacitus and in so cursory a way, that he seems to have been hardly aware of their existence.

In the well known letter of Pliny Secundus, which he wrote to the emperor Trajan, when he was propraetor of Bithynia, about the year 104, we have not only more ample, but more certain also, and more important information in regard to the Christians. From this letter we learn, that they were now dispersed in all directions throughout Bithynia, so that many of the temples were abandoned, and the customary rites of religion neglected. For this reason they were accused before the propraetor, who considered it his duty to institute an inquiry in regard to these despisers of the public religion, and to adopt measures of severity against them. The course, which was pursued, he explains to the emperor very minutely, and acquaints him also with such further particulars, as he had ascertained in regard to the sect; such as, that on a stated day they were accustomed to assemble before light, and sing an hymn to Christ, as God, and to bind themselves with an oath, that they would not be guilty of any crime, but would abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, violation of promises, and withholding of property committed to their care and he adds, that the contagion of this superstition (for so he denominates the christian faith) had spread, before he had any thought of interfering to check it, not only through the cities, but the villages also and the country in general. Such facts, as it became him in his capacity of propraetor to lay before the emperor, he examined with proper care. But their opinions on religious subjects he had not accurately investigated; nor had he read their sacred books; and that, which he wrote concerning them, was written, not for the purpose of being preserved as a historical record, but merely that the emperor might know, what had been done in the case, and might be enabled to judge in regard to the expediency and nature of any further action.*

* Every one knows, that this letter is the ninety-sixth of the tenth book of the letters of Pliny; in the last edition of which, Gierigius, Tom. II. p. 498 sqq. has very ably discussed the question of its genuineness, and maintains it successfully against Semler. Haversaat (Vertheidigung der Plinischen Briefe über die Christen gegen die Einwendungen des Hrn. D. Semler, Göttingen, 1783) took the same ground before him. This letter, which is found in all the manuscripts, which corresponds exactly to the characters of Pliny and Trajan, which agrees with those circumstances, which we learn from other sources VOL. XI. No. 29.

27

The same infrequency of allusion to the Christians, which marked the time of Trajan, marked also that of Hadrian. For besides Hadrian himself, who deserves certainly to be ranked among Roman authors (an enthusiastic lover of poetry and letters in general he is called by Spartianus),* Arrian is the only writer, who has referred to them. All the productions of Hadrian indeed have perished, except one letter written to Servianus, which Vopiscus transcribed from the works of Phlegon, a freed man of Hadrian and inserted in the life of Saturninus. In this letter the emperor inveighs against the manners of the Egyptians, i. e. of the Alexandrians, pronouncing them a most seditious, false and violent class of men; and on this occasion he speaks of the Christians in language as follows: "Those, who worship Serapis, are Christians; and these are those devoted to the service of Serapis, who call themselves the bishops of Christ. There is no ruler of the Jewish synagogue there, no Samaritan, no presbyter of the Christians, who is not an astrologer, a soothsayer, a diviner. The patriarch himself, when he comes to Egypt, is compelled by some to worship Serapis, by others, Christ." At Alexandria, whither men of every description were accustomed to find their way, he had gathered some vague knowledge in regard to the Christians, as well as the observers of other religious rites. The names of presbyters and bishops had thus come to his ears. But as he had vastly more curiosity than love of truth, and was precipitate in his conclusions, he neglected to examine the accuracy of what he heard and thus confounded the Christians with the worshippers of Serapis, who were the sect, to which most of the Alexandrians belonged. Hence too it was, that he imputed to the Christians the same arts of divination, which the adherents of other new and foreign sects were accustomed to practise, which although accounted odious indeed, and frequently punished in the case of the astrologers, were still eagerly sought even by the emperors themin regard to the Christians, which has every internal evidence in its favor, and is mentioned by Tertullian, Eusebius and Jerome; this letter, I say, together with the reply of Trajan must surely be considered as genuine, unless you are willing to pronounce all the records of antiquity spurious, and to deny the credibility of history in every case whatever.

* In vita Hadriani, c. 13. p. 12. Scriptorum historiae Augustae, ed. Lips.

tc. 8. p. 435 of the book named.

selves. It is thus, it would seem, that we are to account for it, that he should make the altogether false and absurd remarks respecting the Christians, which have been quoted above. Nothing therefore, which Hadrian has left, throws light upon the early history of the church. Nor are we indebted for any thing of this nature to Arrian, who flourished in his reign. All, that we can infer from the passage, in which he refers to the Galilaeans for the sake of illustration, is that the Christians were considered by Arrian or Epictetus (if these are the words of the master rather than of the disciple), as men, who from the influence of phrenzy and habit (ύπο μανιας και υπο εθους) could show the same contempt of pain and death, with which reason taught the philosopher to regard them.*

These, so far as we know, are all the instances, in which there occur any reference to the Christians in Greek and Latin writers until the age of the Antonines.

At length in the age of the Antonines, the Christians found able and eloquent advocates of their cause, began to emerge from their obscurity, and to attract the notice of mankind. Still the eyes of all were not turned towards them even then; many, if they were not ignorant of them, at least overlooked them, and no one foresaw in the rise of the Christians the speedy downfall of the whole system of the public religion. In this age, however, especially towards its close, a more general attention was fixed upon them, than had been at any time before; so that some noticed them in brief, yet explicit terms; while others attacked them at greater length, and employed argument against them.

They are mentioned and censured by Galen, a very celebrated physician of that period, and by Marcus Antoninus. Galen refers to them in two places. In one he is speaking of certain physicians and philosophers, who adhere with such obstinacy to their own views, that he, who disputes with them, does nothing but trifle. Having compared them to crooked pieces of

This passage is contained in Epicteti Dissertationum L. IV. c. 7. p. 618. Tom. 1. ed. Schweig. But in regard to another passage occurring, L. II. c. 2. p. 214 sq., we dare not pronounce on the question, whether it refers to the Jews or Christians. The Jews indeed, here mentioned, are called ẞantiotal, which seems to indicate, that Christians are meant. But Jews might be so termed, either on account of their frequent ablutions, or the baptism, to which proselytes were accustomed to submit on their adoption of the Jewish faith.

wood, which can never be straightened, and to withered trees, which, although they are transferred to a new soil, are still unfruitful, he adds, that it is easier to persuade the followers of Moses or Christ to change their sentiments, than it is such physicians and philosophers. He charges the Christians therefore with an obstinate and unyielding disposition, which made it impossible to reason with them with any hope of success. In the other place he is opposing a certain Archigenes who had maintained, that there are eight variations of the pulse, and says, that he ought to support his views, if not by actual demonstration, yet by appropriate argument, unless a person, as if he belonged to the school of Moses or Christ, (ως εἰς Μούσου και Χριστού διατριβήν ἀφιγμένος) is willing to take assertions for proof (vouovs avαдodεixτous). He censures therefore equally Christians and Jews as men, who give a blind assent to dogmas, which have never been proved and which are sustained by no evidence.

In a similar manner the Christians are mentioned by Marcus Antoninus, in his Meditations. In that celebrated passage in which their name occurs, the imperial philosopher inquires, what it is, which should produce that state of the soul, as it is about to leave the body, by which, whether it survive the change, or perish, it may be rendered prompt and ready for the issue, which awaits it, and he answers the question by saying that this readiness, to έτoμov Toνto, ought to spring from a proper conviction of the mind itself, απο ιδικης κρισεως, such as is characteristic of the truly wise man, μη κατα ψιλην καραταξιν, ὡς οὗ zolotiavoi, not from mere obstinacy, such as is accustomed to produce its effect in the case of the Christians. And the same author adds further, that it becomes man to depart from life λελογισμένως, with consideration, και σεμνως, with dignity, και ώστε και άλλον πεισαι, in such a way as to recommend by his example to others also the like firmness of mind, but droaɣwdos, not in the manner of actors, declaiming on the stage; which last words appear to refer to the Christians, who, as they were led to punishment, frequently either boasted of their hope and

* This passage is found in his book de Pulsuum Differentiis, L. III. c. 3. Tom. VIII. p. 68. ed. Chart. Tom. VIII. p. 651. ed. Lipsiensis, recently illustrated by Kuehnius, my colleague, a most accomplished master of Grecian literature.

† I. I. L. II. c. 4. Tom. VIII. p. 43. ed. Chart. Tom. VIII. p. 579. ed. Lips.