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• He also makes use of philters and love-potions, to gain the affections of women. His disciples • do the like, and have corrupted many women in the country near the Rhone.'

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SECTION IV.

Some Observations upon these Accusations.

UPON all which I beg leave to say that possibly it might not be true. For first, such things' as these are given out of course concerning almost all heretics, whether these be good reasons for them or not. Secondly, Irenæus, as it seems, was not fully acquainted with these people; which may appear more particularly by and by. Thirdly, of these things nothing is said by Tertullian, or the author of his Additions, nor by Theodoret or Philaster. Though Epiphanius, undoubtedly, who transcribes Irenæus, has the same. Fourthly, Irenæus has inserted in his work a character of Marc in eight verses, written, as he says, by some grave and pious person of his time; wherein Marc is called idolater, astrologer, and magician, and his impious and erroneous notions are reflected on, without saying any thing of his, or his disciples debaucheries; which ought not, and could not, have been omitted by the versifier, if such things had been common among these people, and generallly known in the world.

SECTION V.

The Marcosians are said to have regarded the Letters of the Alphabet as mysterious.

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THESE people are said to have placed a great deal of mystery in the letters of the alphabet, and thought that they were very useful for finding out the truth; of which many instances, and a long account may be seen in Irenæus, who must be consulted by those who are desirous to know particulars. However, I shall place in the margin what Theodoret says of this matter, and the whole article of the Additions to Tertullian's book of Prescriptions. I shall give but one instance; they said that Jesus had in him all numbers; and therefore is said to be Alpha ⚫ and Omega.'

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SECTION VI..

They are falsely accused of holding two Principles, and being Docetæ.

HERE I would observe, that by the just-mentioned author, and some others, they are spoken of as holding two principles, and as if they were Docetæ, and denied the resurrection of the

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• Ο θείος πρεβύτης, και κηρυξ της αλήθειας, εμμέτρως επιβεβοηκε σοι, ειπων ούτως—Και ταυτα ὁ θεοφιλης πρεσβύτης. cap. 15. [al. 12.] p. 80. 76. Grabe.

Ibid.

4 Ούτος και τοις τετταρσι και εικοσι ςοιχείοις τες αιώνας απείκασε, και τες μεν άφωνες, τες δε ημίφωνες, τες δε φωνηεντας προσηγόρευσεν. Ibid. p. 201.

Non defuerunt post hos Marcus quidem et Colorbasus novam hæresin ex Græcorum alphabeto componentes. Negant enim veritatem sine istis posse literis inveniri: immo totam plenitudinem et perfectionem veritatis in istis literis esse dispositam; propter hanc enim causam Christum dixisse, 'ego sum A et . Denique Jesum Christum descendisse, id est, columbam in Jesum venisse, quæ Græco nomine quum

Episɛpa pronuntietur, habeat secundum numerum DCCCI. Percurrunt isti w, V, X, 9, U, T, totum usque ad Alpha Beta, et computant ogdoadas et decadas-Alterum deum fingunt præter creatorem. Christum in substantiâ negant carnis fuisse. Negant carnis resurrectionem futuram. De Pr. cap. 50. p. 253. • Δεικνύοντα τον εκ παντων συνεςωτα των αριθμων. κ. λ. Iren. c. 15. [al. 12.] p. 76. in.

• Christum autem putative dicit apparuisse, et passum fuisse quasi per umbram, non tamen vere passum corpore arbitratur. Philast. cap. 42. p. 92. Marcus etiam nescio quis heresim condidit, negans resurrectionem carnis, et Christum non vere, sed putative, passum asseverans. Duo quoque opinatus est ex adverso sibi esse principia; quiddam tale de Æonibus quale Valentinus affirmans. Aug. H. 14. Vid. et Epiph. Indicul. Hæres. Tom. i. p. 229.

body; of which things I see no clear evidence in Irenæus, notwithstanding the length of his account, nor in Theodoret. >

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SECTION VII.

They continued in the Practice of Baptism and the Eucharist.

WE saw before some reason to think they had an Eucharist. That they baptized also is apparent from Irenæus and Theodoret. And if they had been able to have given rightly their form of baptism, it is highly probable, in my opinion, that it would have appeared to be very agreeable to that recorded at the end of St. Matthew's gospel.

SECTION. VIII.

Of their Opinion concerning Jesus Christ.

THEIR opinion concerning Jesus Christ is largely represented by Irenæus, to whom I refer; for his account is scarce intelligible: at best it is too prolix and too obscure to be inserted here. However, they seem to have had a notion of the great dignity and excellence of his person, or his ineffable generation. And according to them he was born of Mary, a virgin, and the word was in him. When he came to the water the supreme power descended upon him; and ́ he had in him all fulness: for in him was the word, the Father, truth, the church, life. They said that the Christ, or the Spirit, came down upon the man Jesus.

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He made known the Father, and destroyed death, and called himself the son of man.

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it was the good pleasure of the Father of all that he should banish ignorance and destroy death. And the acknowledgment of him is the overthrow of ignorance. By all which, I think, it appears that these men had honourable apprehensions of Jesus, and the design of his coming.

SECTION IX.

Of their Rites of Redemption, and the meaning of them as given by Rhenford.

THEY had some rites of redemption, which Irenæus' speaks of as very strange and absurd; and he seems to ridicule them. But probably Irenæus did not thoroughly understand them. Rhenford says that, by the word redemption these people meant a form of confession, or

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• Οι δε αγεσιν εφ' ύδωρ, και βαπτίζοντες όπως επιλεγωσιν εις όνομα αγνώς ο πατρος των όλων, εις αλήθειαν μητερα παντων, εις τον κατελθοντα εις Ιησεν, εις ένωσιν, και απολύτρωσιν, και κοινωνίαν των δυνάμεων. Iren. lib. i. cap. 21. [al. 18.] P. 95.

b H. F. lib. i. p. 201. C.

Vid. cap. xv. [al. xii.] p. 75, 78.

• Ο δε Ιησες ταυτην εχει, φησι, την αρῥητον γενεσιν. κ. λ. p. 75. n. 2. in.

• Τον δε εκκλησιας τοπον ἡ παρθενος επέδειξεν. Ούτως τε ὁ κατ' οικονομίαν δια της Μαριας γενεσιεργείται παρ' αυτώ αντ θρωπος· ἐν ὁ πατηρ των όλων διελθοντα δια μήτρας εξελέξατο δια λογο εις επίγνωσιν αυτό. Ελθοντος δε αυτό εις ύδωρ, κατελθειν εις αυτον, ὡς περιςεραν. κ. λ. p. 77.

1 Κατελθείν εις αυτον, ώς περιςεραν. κ. τ. λ. Subintellige servatorem sive Christum, ex omnium Eonum collatione compositum, de quo p. 33. Lin. 1. hac habentur. Και εις τετον επι το βαπτίσματος κατελθειν εκείνον τον από το πλήρως ματος εκ παντων σωτηρα εν είδει περιστεράς. Grabe in Irenæum, cap. 12. p. 73. not, 9. Ox. 1702.

8 Εχων εν ἑαυτῷ και τον πατέρα, και τον υίον, την τε δια τονων γινωσκομένην ανονόματον δυναμιν της σιγής, και της άπαντας αιώνας. p. 77. infr. M. Εσχηκεναι αυτόν τε τον αν θρωπον, αυτόν τε τον λογον, και τον πατέρα, και τον αρρητον, και την σιγην, και την αλήθειαν, και εκκλησίαν, και ζωήν. Ρ. 78. in.

* Το γαρ βαπτισμα το φαινόμενο [conspicui] Ιησε, αφέσεως αμαρτιών την δε απολυτρώσιν τε εν αυτώ Χρισε κατελθοντος εἰς τελείωσιν. c. 21. [al. 18.] p. 94. in.

1 Και τετ' είναι το πνεύμα το λάλησον δια Ιησε, το όμολο γησαν ἑαυτὸν υἱον ανθρωπο, και φανερώσαντα τον πατέρα και καθείλε μεν τον θανατον. p. 77. infr. M.

* Τεθέληκεναι γαρ τον πατέρα των όλων λυσαι την αγνοιαν, και καθελείν τον θάνατον. Αγνοιας δε λυσις ή επιγνώσις αυτό εγινετο. p. 76. sub. fin.

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• form of prayer. And Grabe owns himself convinced by what Rhenford has said upon this obscure subject.

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Irenæus speaks as if they had divers of these things: but it seems that they were chiefly two: one at baptism, when the minister made an exhortation, or proposed a form of confession to the person to be initiated or baptized. Then the person to be baptized made a confession of faith, and the by-standers or spectators wished peace or happiness to all on whom that name rested. The other was performed in the near approach of death, or upon occasion of dangerous sickness. The confession and prayers were in the Hebrew and Syriac language, which was much used by them, as Theodoret says. And Irenæus not understanding that language, nor any one else giving him a right interpretation of their forms, his translations are not just. Rhenford is persuaded that if we could attain to the true reading of the redemptions in Irenæus, they would represent a pious and truly Christian meaning. His rendering one of them used at baptism, as it seems, is to this purpose; The Messias and redeemer, who has redeemed me from this world, and all things therein, in the name of Jao, (or according to the will of Jehovah) • and has atoned for us with the price of his soul, is Jesus of Nazareth: or Jesus of Nazareth is the Christ the redeemer, who has redeemed me from this present world with the price of his ' own life.' And he thinks that whereas the Jewish nation in general looked for a temporal and worldly deliverance by their Messiah, these men, Jews by birth, heartily embraced the spiritual salvation proposed by Jesus.

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Irenæus says that as many doctors as they have, so many redemptions are there among In which," as Rhenford says, if these people were originally Jews, there is nothing strange, it having been customary for their masters to deliver each one for himself particular forms to their disciples, in somewhat different expressions, though in sense they all agreed in. the main."

SECTION X.

They believed the Facts recorded in the Gospels.

Ir there be any credit to be given to Irenæus's account of this people, they believed the facts recorded in the gospels, and they received most or all the scriptures of the Old and New Testament.

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Some of the facts observable in Irenæus's account are these: that Jesus was born of a virgin, before taken notice of; that John preached the baptism of repentance for the forgiveness of sins; that Jesus was baptized, and that a dove appeared; that he revealed the Father, or taught the will of God, as before; that he went up into the mount with three of his disciples, where he was gloriously transformed, and Moses and Elias appeared; that " he was nailed to the cross.

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• Per redemtionem, quam hic et paulo post memorat, certam orationis formulam intelligendam esse, non modo ipse Irenæi contextus-ostendit, sed et Judaïci ritûs ratio plane confirmat, quam ex viri docti Jacobi Rhenfordii disputatione-explicatam dabo. Grab. ad Iren. c. 13. [al. ix.] p. 61.

b Vid. Iren. p. 95, 96.

Ibid. p. 97. Conf. Rhenford. n. xlvi. &c. p. 213, 216. 4 Αναμιγνυσι δε και Εβραϊκα ονόματα, δεδιττόμενοι τις τελεμένες, ὧν επιμνησθήναι περιττον ἡγησάμην. H. F. p. 201.

e Quo facto spondere ausim fore, ut genuinus horum verborum sensus, et præclara ac homine Christiano atque orthodoxo dignissima sententia eluceat. Ubi supr. n. vi. p. 196. Conf. n. xlii. p. 210..

f Vid. Rhenf. n. xvii. xviii. Ib. p. 199. et Conf. Iren. p. 95. 8 Cum vero Judæi in genere deum redemtorem suum confiteantur, et corporalem solum vel præcipue liberationem ejus sive præteritam celebrent, sive futuram præstolentur; hi hæretici, (ut ingenium hominum mireris!) Jesum Nazarenum hunc redemtorem esse celebrant; et, mundanis beneficiis relictis, in sola spirituali et æternâ ejus redemtione acquiescunt, hanc solam deprædicant. Jesus Nazarenus (Arrigite aures

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hæreticorum mastiges, et confessionem hanc demiremini !)) inquiunt, est Messias et liberator, qui vindicavit animam nos-tram ab hoc seculo vel mundo, et ab omnibus quæ in eo sunt, in nomine Jao, et expiavit nos lytro animæ suæ. Ibid. n. xxiv. p. 201, 202. Vid. et n. xli. xlii. p. 210, 211.

Η Δια το ἐν έκασον αυτών, καθώς αυτοί βέλονται, παραδίδος ναι αυτήν. Όσοι γαρ εισι ταυτης της γνώμης μυςαγωγοί, τοσαυται και απολυτρώσεις. p. 93. sub fin.

iSed formulæ confessionis optime quadrat ; quam alii aliisverbis conceperint atque pronuntiârint, etsi rem eamdem omnes dicebant. Nempe ita olim moris erat apud Judæos, ut qui scholis aut synagogis præerant, alii alias precum formulas auditoribus suis dictarent-quemadmodum apud Cl. Lightfootum videri potest ad Matt. vi. 9, &c. Ib. n. xxxiii. p. 207. k Iren. lib. i. p. 94.

1 P. 71. n. 6.

m Εκείνον τον μετα τας ἓξ ἡμέρας τεταρτον αναβάντα εις το opos, nas veroμεVOY EXTOY. Ibid. p. 71. n. 6. Conf. Matt. xvii. v. 3.

* Και την έκτην ώραν, εν ή προσηλώθη τῳ ξυλῳ. p. 71. f.. Conf. Joh, xix. 14.

at the sixth hour of the day; not to mention the history of the person who came to Christ, saying, "Good master, what good shall I do to inherit eternal life;" nor the petition of the sons of Zebedee for the first places in his kingdom; or, that the apostles of Christ were twelve in number.

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SECTION XI.

They received the Scriptures, both of the Old and New Testament.

Ir is exceeding manifest that the Marcosians received the scriptures of the Old and New Testament. As the first book of Irenæus is now divided, there are two chapters which shew what texts or passages of Moses and the prophets they alleged in favour of their hypothesis or scheme; and a third giving an account of their forged apocryphal scriptures, and what texts of the gospel or New Testament they abused. And, in the preface to the second book, Irenæus, reviewing the first book and the contents of it, observes particularly, that he had taken notice of the scriptures made use of by them.

SECTION XII.

A particular Enumeration of the Books of the New Testament used by them.

I SHALL shew somewhat particularly the texts and books of the New Testament made use of by them.

As they believed Jesus to have been born of the Virgin Mary, it is likely, they received the first chapters of St. Matthew and St. Luke, as well as other parts of these gospels.

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They argued from Matt. xviii. 10. xi. 28. and other places not needful to be referred to; from Luke ii. 49. xix. 42. xv. throughout, " Matt. xi. 25, and Luke x. 21. It may be concluded that they received St. John's gospel, and his first epistle, from their talking so much of the Word and Life. They had in particular an argument from the latter part of the twentieth chapter of St. John's gospel; they received St. Paul's epistles; they seem to have received the first epistle of St. Peter; they received also the book of the Revelation. And as Irenæus doth not find fault with them for rejecting any books of scripture, we may suppose they differed little or nothing from other Christians upon this head.

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SECTION XIII.

Of their Apocryphal Books.

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MOREOVER, Says Irenæus,

they have an innumerable multitude of apocryphal and spurious writings, which they have forged. Particularly they make use of that fiction concerning the child Jesus, that when his master bid him say Alpha, the Lord did so. But when the master

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τρωσιν πολλακις μεμήνυκεναι. κ. λ. c. 2i. [al. 18.] p. 94.
sub fin.
P Ibid. p. 88. infr. m.

* Και δια τετο φησιν αυτόν Α και Ω, ἵνα την περιτερα, μήνυση, το τον εχοντος τον αριθμόν τ8τε ofves. c. xv. [al. 12.] p. 75. in. Και δια το Α και Ω ονόμαζεσθαι αυτόν, την εκ παν THE DEVETTY ORAivovтa. Ibid. p. 76. in. Conf. Apoc. i. 8, 11. xxi. 6. xxii. 13. Et vid. supra.

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Προς δε τέτοις αμύθητον πληθος αποκρυφων και νόθων γραφών, ας αυτοι επλάσασαν, παρεισφερεσιν. Προσπαρα λαμβάνεσι δε εις τετο κάκεινο το ραδιεργημα, κ. λ. cap. 20. [al. 17.] p. 91.

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called upon him to say Beta, he answered: "Do you first tell me what is Alpha, and then I will "tell you what Beta is."

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Theodoret too says they had a multitude of spurious books, though he does not name them. I apprehend that when men use such hyperbolical expressions, as an innumerable multitude, abatement ought to be made if we would think agreeable to truth. As that story concerning Alpha Beta is found in the gospel of the infancy of Jesus Christ, still in being; some are of opinion that this gospel was composed by the Marcosians: so Beausobre, who has divers curious observations relating to that history.

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CHAP. VIII. '

OF HERACLEON..

SECTION I..

Ancient Writers who speak of him and of the Time when he lived.

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HERACLEON'S Country is unknown. Irenæus mentions him and Ptolomy in his arguments against the Valentinians. Clement speaks of him as one of the most considerable of Valentinus's followers. Origen says he was reckoned a disciple of Valentinus: yet his time is not easily determined. Grabe is persuaded he was contemporary with Valentinus. Basnage speaks of him at the year 125; and Cave placeth him at the year 126. Massuet professeth himself not able to settle his time exactly. În Epiphanius the order is, Valentinus, Secundus, Ptolomy, Marc, Colobarsus, Heracleon: and he supposeth Heracleon to borrow from the Marcosians, or to agree with them in several things. In Philaster the order is Valentinus, Ptolomy, Secundus, Heracleon, Marc, Colorbasus. In Theodoret, Valentinus, Secundus, and others; in which chapter he briefly mentions Còssianus, Theodotus, Heracleon, Ptolomy, Marc, as springing out of the Valentinian heresy. Then follows a chapter concerning Marc the magician. Augustine's order is that of Epiphanius. The author of the Additions to Tertullian has a different order. He placeth Marc and Colorbasus after Heracleon. But then he differs from Tertullian. himself..

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το Και άλλοι δε μύριοι εντευθεν αναφύησαν αίρεσεως αρχηγού, Κοσσιανός, Θεοδοτος, Ἡρακλέων, Πτολεμαίος, Μαρκος, διάφορα poσETIVOaTes doyuara. Hær. Fab. lib. 1. cap. 8. p.

201. A. B.

Extitit præterea Heracleon alter hæreticus, qui cum Valentino paria sentit, sed novitate quâdam pronuntiationis vult videri alia sentire. Introducit enim in primis illud fuisse quod pronuntiat, et deinde ex illâ monade duo, ac deinde reliquos Eonas; deinde introducit totum Valentinum. Non defuerunt post hos Marcus quidam et Colobarsus, novam hæresim ex Græcorum alphabeto componentes. Præf. adv. Hær, cap. 49, 50. p. 216. 49. et 217.

• Valentinus Colorbarso viam delineavit. Eam postmodum Ptolemæus instravit-deduxit et Heracleon inde tramites quosdam, et Secundus, et magus Marcus. Adv. Valent. c. 4. p. 284. D..

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