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A REVIEW,

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Or the many and great advantages to national happiness, that have been the effects of the Reformation, there are few that deserve a more unqualified praise, than that spirit of toleration, which has grown with the strength of the established church of England.

Before that great event, if we except the authority, and the more immediate promulgators of that authority, from which it was derived, the very idea of religious toleration appears to have been scarcely, or but very superficially, conceived as politically expedient, or even consistent with an attachment to any religion. Happily it has, since the Reformation, been held as a principle of the British constitution to grant as perfect a toleration as can be consistent with the safety of the state; and it is one, which every member of her established church may feel a just pride in acknowledging. The question of the admission to participate in legislation is, however, perfectly distinct from toleration; for where such admission is granted, it is no longer toleration, but an union ; and, according to the generally-received principles of the constitution of England, such an admission of the Roman Catholics would be, not only the intro

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duction of a new principle into the constitution, but of one considered as formerly excluded by it at the Revolution.

It certainly cannot be indifferent to the subjects of the United Kingdom what is the motive, and what may be the effect, of introducing a new principle into its legislation. It is a question in which every individual has a real and permanent interest, whether as a friend to religious youth, or to the government and constitution of his country.

We have seen enough of the danger of innovations upon the political maxims of particular states in no very distant example, wherein the public body, exhausted by the violence of the paroxysm, has become a machine, or a victim, to the caprice of its rulers. If so awful a warning has not been exhibited in vain, it will be deemed an obligation, even of common prudence, to examine whatever is urged formally on the subject of that which is called the RomanCatholic Question; and it must be acknowledged, that its advocates have laboured strenuously to attain their object. Nothing appears to have been omitted that could prepare the minds of the people, of England more especially, to look upon it either with favour, or with indifference; as a subject of political benevolence, or of expediency; of right, and even of necessity. If this proves that it will not easily be relinquished, it proves also, that, however the effective power and influence of the See of Rome be estimated, the zeal of its adherents has lost nothing of its warmth, its activity, or its policy. It is therefore absolutely the duty of every sincere Protestant

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to look whither all this may tend; and to beware, lest our Lebanon give the helve to the cutting down of the forest; lest the shades of ignorance and superstition once more obscure the light of the Gospel; and, in divine wrath for our encouragement of error, this lamp of Heaven be taken from us, and wẹ become a prey to that dominion of infidelity and tyranny, which is the scourge of God. If any one be inclined to consider these ideas as visionary, he is requested, at least, to pause before he condemns; and to reflect, whether evil, moral or political, bring not on its own punishment; whether a sacrifice of the truth, and confirmation of error, be more likely to bring on a blessing, or a curse; and remember, that such, at least, were the ideas of those, who, by a struggle of one century, have made Britain, for two more, the happiest of nations.

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There were undoubtedly some men of high character, and conspicuous abilities, who, at a very early period of the agitation of the Catholic Question, foretold much of what has followed. In its progress, its intent, which scarce seen arose, has, in its unfolding, been so aggrandized, that, like Virgil's fame, its utmost height may yet be enveloped in clouds; and whether there Romana be read for Anglicana, or the single or triple crown be the highest, cannot yet be plainly, discerned. Our conception of what may be is formed on what has been. If we know the tree by its fruits, we also know what the fruits will be, with no less certainty, by the tree, wheresoever it can bear fruit.

Amongst those who gave a warning of what might

then be expected to follow, from the measures proposed in the Catholic Bill, introduced into the Irish House of Commons, was the celebrated Mr. Flood, who, in political sagacity, powerful language, and acute and solid reasoning, was at least not inferior to any of his contemporaries. As therefore the Hon. Author of The Considerations has liberally quoted another eloquent orator, the two following extracts from the speeches of Mr. Flood, on the Catholic Bill, may not improperly be introduced here.

Mr. Flood said, that "he always wished to embosom the Roman Catholics in the state; yet, without courting praise on one hand, or fearing censure on the other, he would, neglectful of both, deliver his opinion on this great subject, and hoped it would be received with the same candour it was given. About five years ago," said he, "a law was passed, granting the Roman Catholics infinitely less than is now proposed; the day was celebrated with rejoicing, and it was thought we had reconciled every party. I am sorry now to hear Gentlemen speak as if nothing was done for them. The Right Honourable Gentleman, who prepared the Bill now before us, well knows that I did object to that indiscriminate clause;—one reason was, that while you were endeavouring to conciliate that estimable and beloved body of men, you seemed to hide your bounties, and to shew only the severity of the laws. If a sorry Popish agent had

* Mr. Gardiner, afterwards Lord Mountjoy, and who was inassacred by the rebels. Such was his reward.

The words of this clause are not given in the Report.

done thus, he would have been unworthy the men for whom he acted, and it would much surprise me. But a Protestant Parliament should be wise and frank enough to explain and declare the whole scope of their intention. In the former laws, leases for years were granted to them upon the avowed principle of restraining them from any influence in elections. This law then goes beyond toleration; it gives them a power, and tends to make a change in the state. I have a great respect for the Roman Catholics; and though I will not condemn, yet I will not wholly approve, their conduct. Ninety years ago, the question was, whether, Popery and arbitrary power should be established in the person of King James, or freedom and the Protestant religion in the person of King William? Four-fifths of the inhabitants of Ireland adhered to the cause of King James; they were defeated, and I rejoice in their defeat. The laws that followed this event were not laws of persecution, but of political necessity; and are you now prepared for a new government? Can you possibly suppose, though the Roman Catholics prefer you to every other people, that they will prefer you to themselves? What then is the consequence if you give them equal power with the Protestants? Can a Protestant constitution survive? Yet, should the majority of this nation attempt to alter the constitution, I firmly believe they would be repelled by the minority, and then a total convulsion must follow."

Irish Parl. Debates, Feb. 20th,

A. D. 1782, p. 255.

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