istically the religion of corrupt human nature,' had done its work. Still hope never died. Men believed in the 'power and tenacity of the principles of Catholicism,' and that they would yet reassert themselves. Catholic antiquity and the English Reformation are not only diverging but opposed.' Our business now is to get over the Reformation 'since we have seen that the Protestant tone of thought and doctrine is essentially anti-Christian.' It was Queen Elizabeth and not her bishops who saved the Church of England from identification with the foreign Protestant communities.

It is found that Jewel was the disciple of Peter Martyr. He had close and confidential intercourse with Bullinger, Zwingle, and the rest of the Protestant congregation at Zurich. After his return to England, he referred questions to them and asked their advice. So great was his affection for Peter Martyr that he longed again to have with him that converse which once they had together at Zurich, and he writes to him, 'We have exhibited to the Queen our Articles of Religion and Doctrine, and in little have we departed from the Confession of Zurich.'

The writer goes on to show that it is not fair to charge all the Protestantism of the Church of England on the foreign Reformers. Their 'beneficial influence' was never repudiated. They were in constant correspondence with Jewel, who stood high in the confidence of Archbishop Parker. The famous Apology' takes the common Protestant ground against the Church of Rome, and has not a word of distinction between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches. This Apology' was approved by Parker who wished to make it of quasi-authority in the Church of England. It was It was the delight also of the Continental

Reformers.

6

In the Apology' and the 'Defence of the Apology' it was found that Jewel not only denied the apostolic succession of bishops, but often quoted in this connection the words of St Paul after my departure ravening wolves shall enter.' He called the Sacraments signs without one hint of the mysterious virtue, the transforming invigorating efficacy

secration.' He even spoke of Becket's ambition and vanity, 'thus slandering the saint of the Most High.'

In no connection with this article, but closely following it, was one called 'The Anglican Church in the Mediterranean.' With the old moorings of the Reformation left and the Reformers thrown overboard, the Church of England did seem ' in the Mediterranean,' or some other sea.

An article in the following year called the Development of the Church in the Seventeenth Century,' might be reckoned a continuation of that on Bishop Jewel. It apologised for the divines of that age being so much occupied in the refutation of Popery. That was, or appeared to be, the enemy then, but had they lived now they would have been otherwise employed. They would have found in Dissent a worse enemy than Popery. Protestantism on the Continent had developed into a mischievous system, compared with which the corrup tions of Rome were as dust in the balance. There were some who denied or minimised the foreign influence on our Reformers, but the fact was too notorious to admit of dispute. The often repeated story of Peter Heylin that Cranmer was offered the help of Calvin and refused it, is set aside as not likely to be true. Heylin himself testifies that the alterations in the second Prayer Book were due to the influence of that 'Polypragmon.' It is well known that Cranmer brought some of the leading Continental Reformers to England. He gave Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer Divinity Chairs at Oxford and Cambridge. He was deeply engaged in correspondence with Calvin. These things are no more to be disputed than that the Goths sacked Rome and that William the Conqueror invaded England.

The Puritan feeling against ecclesiastical vestments was introduced by the Reformers, though it may not have originated with them. Many were retained in the first book, but through foreign influence all disappeared except the surplice for the priest and the rochet for the bishop. Even for what they retained the bishops did not stand out on principle They compelled Hooper to be a bishop though he refused to wear the rochet, and the matter was settled by compromise

1 Development of the Church in the Seventeenth Century.

that he was to wear it on particular occasions. They made 'an obstinate Puritan, a mere dogged Geneva preacher, of all things, a bishop.' Another Puritan and Genevan of the same stamp was Miles Coverdale, who, at the consecration of Parker officiated in his black gown. Even Ridley advised the exiles at Frankfort to discontinue the use of the surplice.

The bishops in the first part of Elizabeth's reign were successors of Hooper and Coverdale, more than of Cranmer and Ridley. The greater part of them objected to the surplice as Sandys, Grindal, Pilkington, Jewel, Parkhurst. They were all for simplifying the Church ceremonial according to the Geneva model. It was only the strong Tudor arm of Elizabeth that kept them within decent bounds. Parker alone stood by the Queen in her determination to uphold the ceremonies.

But there was something even worse than the rejection of the ceremonies. The whole Church from one end to the other was flooded with the peculiar doctrines of Calvin. The five points gained possession of both Universities. Calvinism was the recognised doctrine of our divinity schools. Oxford was the very focus of Genevan influence. The doctors and professors were Calvinistic preachers. The colleges and halls were seminaries for teaching election and reprobation. The exiles who returned upon the death of Mary deeply imbued with the Geneva doctrines were everywhere triumphant. They monopolised the bishoprics, deaneries, canonries, and all the best benefices of the Church. The world groaned under the weight of Calvinism. Heylin made a great effort to maintain the contrary, and spoke of the seven thousand who had not bowed the knee to Baal, but the Lambeth Articles constructed by Whitgift with the leading bishops and divines testify against him.

The Church was rapidly becoming, if it had not yet become, a mere Calvinistic sect. The churches were turned into conventicles. The communion tables were in the centre of the building. The clergyman read the service in a black gown, and the pulpit resounded with election and the perseverance of the saints. Truly' said Thorndike, 'the tares of Puritanism were sown together with the grain of the Reformation in

movement. From the estate of degradation to which the Church of England had partly come, it was delivered by the divine power of her Episcopacy which was providentially preserved during the tempest of the Reformation. By the grace of God, even the Calvinistic bishops and divines became upholders of the external worship and the constitution of the Church. The prejudices of Queen Elizabeth in favouring the old religion were 'in the hands of God, the instrument for stopping the progress of the Reformation.' The Church began to awake to a higher consciousness of her independent existence and her divine claims. The harbingers of a better day were Bancroft and Andrews. Then followed Bilson, Morton, Hall, Davenant, Buckner, Carleton, Field, Hooker and Jackson, men brought up under the Calvinistic influence, but who though still holding more or less peculiarly Calvinistic doctrines, had come to higher views of the Sacraments and ecclesiastical authority.

This movement was taken up by Laud, and during his episcopate the power of the Keys was maintained, and the rights, privileges and divine authority of the Church and her hierarchy asserted. The last, Cranmer and his fellow-workers had merged into a mere creation of the State. Now the Convocation continued to debate after the dissolution of Parliament, and Charles, as a reverential son of the Church suffered all to go forward under his sanction and authority. Then came back the painted windows which the Reformation had effaced. The choristers again filled the choir. Rich copes were used in the celebration of the Eucharist. Every knee bowed at the name of Jesus, and the altar was approached with that reverence which is due. The Church had now left Geneva and had its face towards Rome. Laud found Oxford 'a seminary of Calvinism and left it a school of orthodoxy.'

Richard Baxter, distinguished between the old Episcopal party with whom he agreed, and the new party which had turned its back on the Reformation. Bramhall refused to recognise the distinction, but it existed. The present orthodoxy of the Church is 'a development since the Reformation and a reaction upon it.' It is now impossible, the writer adds,

CHAPTER XI

THE TRACT WRITERS AND THEIR ALLIES

FOUR years after the suspension of the Tracts, Newman was received into the Church of Rome. That he was tending logically to this, was seen by everyone but himself, and some of his party. In one of his earliest books he took up a position which if consistently maintained, was bound to bring him into conflict with the Reformation. He supposed a traditionary system in the first ages of the Church. Of this system the Church was supposed to be the infallible keeper. It was at first undefined. It was not directly or explicitly in Scripture, but reposed vaguely in the bosom of the Church. It could not even be proved from the books of the first generation after the Apostles. Catholicism, or the Catholic Church, kept its chief doctrines in reserve. They were esoteric, those who did not take them on the authority of the Catholic Church were heretics, who gathered up a system for themselves out of the scattered notices of truth in Scripture. The creeds were compiled from Apostolic tradition, or from primitive writings. There never was any need to collect the sense of Scripture. The heretics were classed together in one family on the theory that the most opposite heresies generate each other. Paul of Samosata had to bear the charges which the Catholic and orthodox world has always brought against him. He was arrogant, ostentatious, fond of popularity, and as the clergy chose him for their