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We know that some of the states of antiquity harboured a SECT. I. mischievous jealousy of the prosperity, spirit, and aims of their colonies; but it was only when the latter had become truly formidable; had attained to an equality of strength, and given unequivocal evidence of indifference, estrangement, or hostility. But among the modern colonies, the Anglo-North American, were precisely those which stood the farthest from this relation, which, in all stages of their existence, whether we consider their dispositions, or the general circumstances of their condition, presented the least cause of distrust or alarm to the powerful parent. One of a truly magnanimous and judicious character would have seen, as I hope to prove, abundant reason for treating them with the utmost latitude of indulgence and "ceremonious kindness." England, however, is the mother country, who, although perpetually proclaiming the weakness, as well as insulting the origin, and vilifying the pursuits of her plantations, conceived the earliest fears for her supremacy; who displayed, throughout, the keenest political and mercantile jealousy. It is true, that the other European powers established and maintained in their settlements on this continent, a stricter commercial monopoly, and more arbitrary systems of internal administration. It is equally true, however, that England always sought to secure to herself the carriage of the produce of her North American colonies; to engross their raw materials, and to furnish them with the articles of every kind which they required from abroad: That if, from the cupidity or indifference of her monarchs, charters of a liberal genius were granted to the first settlers-if, from a like cause, or national embarrassments, commonwealths thus cast in the mould of freedom, were suffered to acquire consistency, and to become identified as it were with their first institutions-she made incessant attempts to destroy those charters, and substitute a despotic rule. Her writers on the trade and general politics of the empire, her colonial servants, civil and military, continually called for a more rigorous monopoly and subjection. It was owing to extraneous events, and to the firmness, vigilance and dexterity of the provinces, that they remained in possession of their liberties. I scarcely need remark in addition, that it was a scheme of administration, tending to place them on the level of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies, which impelled them to attempt and achieve their independence.

The main purpose of this work imposes upon me the task, of adducing some portion of the abundant evidence which books afford, in support of the general assertions made above:

PART I. And it appears to me not unadvisable on other grounds, to refresh the memory of the public, with respect to the early dispositions and proceedings of Great Britain, towards these North American communities. I will begin with the point to which I have last adverted-her political and mercantile jealousy.

1. This feeling was coeval with the foundation of the colonies. Nothing similar is to be traced so high in the colonial history even of Spain or Portugal. We have the following testimony in Hume's Appendix to his account of the reign of James I. "What chiefly renders the reign of James memorable, is the commencement of the English colonies in America; colonies established on the noblest footing that has been known in any age or nation."

"Speculative reasoners, during that age, raised many objections to the planting those remote colonies; and foretold, that, after draining their mother country of inhabitants, they would soon shake off her yoke, and erect an independent government in America.”

In the excellent article on the British colonies, of Postlethwayt's Universal Dictionary of Trade, there is a more particular statement to the same effect.

"It is certain that from the very time Sir Walter Raleigh, the father of our English colonies, and his associates, first projected these establishments, there have been persons who have found an interest in misrepresenting or lessening the value of them. When the intention

of improving these distant countries, and the advantages that were hoped for thereby, were first set forth, there were some who treated them not only as chimerical, but as dangerous: They not only insinuated the uncertainty of the success, but the depopulating the nation. These, and other objections, flowing either from a narrowness of understanding or of heart, have been disproved by experience," &c. &c. "The difficulties which will always attend such kind of settlements at the beginning, proved a new cause of clamour; many malignant suggestions were made about sacrificing so many Englishmen to the obstinate desire of settling colonies in countries, which produced very little advantage. But, as these difficulties were gradually surmounted, those complaints vanished. No sooner were those lamentations over than others arose in their stead; when it could no longer be said that the colonies were useless, it was alleged that they were not useful enough to their mother country; that while we were loaded with taxes they were absolutely free; that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of England laboured hard for a tolerable subsistence. This produced customs and impositions on plantation commodities," &c. &c.

Within little more than a generation after the commencement of the plantations, the royal government anxiously began

those formal inquiries into their population and manufactures, SECT. I. which were so often renewed until the period of our revolt, and of which the results, as to manufactures, served to place the jealousy that provoked them in a ludicrous and pitiable light. In the reign of Charles I. commissioners were deputed to ascertain the growth and dispositions of New England: And we find her agent in London, in the time of Cromwell, informing one of his constituents, that, even then, there were not wanting many in England, to whom her privileges were matter of envy, and who eagerly watched every opportunity of abridging her political liberties and faculties of trade. Besides emissaries of the description just mentioned, the ministry of Charles II. despatched spies to watch over the conduct and views of the royal governors in America. From the same motive, printing presses were denied to the plantations. We are told by Chalmers, that "no printing press was allowed in Virginia;" that "in New England and New York there were assuredly none permitted," and that "the other provinces probably were not more fortunate." When Andros was appointed by James II. captain-general of all the northern colonies, he was instructed "to allow of no printing press." In an official report of Sir William Berkeley, governor of Virginia, dated 20th June, 1671, there is the following characteristic passage:-" I thank God we have no free schools, nor any printing; and I hope we shall not have them these hundred years. For learning has brought disobedience, and heresy, and sects into the world, and printing has divulged them and libels against the best government: God keep us from both." Accordingly, every effort was made to shut out the pestilent tree of knowledge. On the appointment of Lord Effingham to the government of Virginia, in 1683, he was ordered, agreeably to the prayer of Sir William Berkeley," to allow no person to use a printing press on any occasion whatever."

The erect port, and firm tone, of the legislature of the infant Massachusetts, not only filled the cabinet of Charles II. with alarm for the metropolitan sovereignty, but actually overawed them, so as to prevent the measures of repression which would otherwise have been pursued; and to maintain the province in the license of action necessary for its prosperity. Curious and remarkable evidence on these heads is extant in the Me

Political Annals of the United Colonies, chap. 15.

PART I. moirs of Evelyn,* who was one of the council of Charles II. His language deserves to be quoted.

"The 6th of May, 1670, I went to council, where was produced a most exact and ample information of the state of Jamaica, and of the best expedients as to New England, on which there was a long debate; but at length 'twas concluded that, if any, it should be only a conciliating paper at first, or civil letter, till we had better information of ye present face of things, since we understood they were a people almost upon the very brink of renouncing any dependeuce on ye crown.' Vol. i. p. 415.

"The first thing we did at our next meeting, was to settle the form of a circular letter to the governors of all his Majesty's plantations and territories in the West Indies and Islands thereof, to give them notice to whom they should apply themselves on all occasions, and to render us an account of their present state and government, but what we most insisted upon was, to know the condition of New England, which, appearing to be very independent as to their regard to Old England or his Majesty, rich and strong as they now were, there were great debates in what style to write to them; for the condition of that colony was such, that they were able to contest with all other plantations about them, and there was fear of their breakimg from all dependence on this nation."-Ibid.

"The matter in debate in council on the 3d of August, 1671, was, whether we should send a deputy to New England, requiring them of the Massachusetts, to restore such to their limits and respective possessions as had petitioned the council; this to be the open commission only, but in truth with secret instructions to informe the council of the condition of those colonies, and whether they were of such power as to be able to resist his Maty, and declare for themselves as independent of the crowne, which we were told, and which of late years made them refractorie. Coll. Middleton being called in, assur'd us they might be curb'd by a few of his Matys first rate fregats, to spoile their trade with the Islands; but tho' my Lo: President was not satisfied, the rest were, and we did resolve to advise his Maty to send commiss'rs with a formal commission for adjusting boundaries, &c. with some other instructions."-p 417.

"We deliberated in council, on the 12th of Jany, 1672, on some fit person to go as commisser to inspect their actions in New England, and from time to time report how that people stood affected."-p. 423.

When the real amount of the "riches and strength, and the power to resist," mentioned in these extracts, is traced in the returns made from New England at the era in question, it is difficult to think of the apprehensions of the British court, with any degree of seriousness.

2. The fisheries, shipping, and foreign West India trade of the colonies had scarcely become perceptible, before the British merchants and West India planters caught and sounded

* A work of a very interesting cast in all respects, published in London in 1818, in 2 vols. quarto. The article devoted to it in the Quarterly Review has, no doubt, made the most of my readers acquainted with its general character.

the alarm. As soon as the colonists, in the progress of wealth SECT. I. and population, undertook to manufacture, for their own consumption, a few articles of the first necessity, such as hats, paper, &c, a clamour was raised by the manufacturers in England, and the power of the British government was exerted to remove the cause of the complaint. The Discourse on Trade, of Sir Josiah Child, a work published in 1670, but written in 1665, and long considered as of the highest authority, expresses, in the passages which I am about to quote, the prevailing opinions of the day. "Certainly it is "the interest of England to discountenance and abate the "number of planters at Newfoundland, for if they should increase, it would in a few years happen to us, in relation to "that country, as it has to the fishery at New England, which many years since was managed by English ships from the "western ports; but as plantations there increased, it fell to "the sole employment of people settled there, and nothing of "that trade left the poor old Englishmen, but the liberty of "carrying now and then, by courtesy or purchase, a ship load "of fish to Bilboa, when their own New English shipping are "better employed, or not at leisure to do it."

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"New England is the most prejudicial plantation to this "kingdom. I am now to write of a people, whose frugality, "industry and temperance, and the happiness of whose laws " and institutions, promise to them long life, with a wonderful "increase of people, riches and power; and although no men ought to envy that virtue and wisdom in others, which themselves "either can or will not practise, but rather to commend and ad"mire it; yet I think it is the duty of every good man primarily "to respect the welfare of his native country; and therefore, "though I may offend some whom I would not willingly displease, I cannot omit, in the progress of this discourse, to "take notice of some particulars, wherein Old England suffers "diminution by the growth of the colonies settled in New England.” ** *

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"Of all the American plantations, his majesty has none so apt for the building of shipping as New England, nor any comparably so qualified for the breeding of seamen, not only "by reason of the natural industry of that people, but princi"pally by reason of their cod and mackerel fisheries; and in my poor opinion, there is nothing more prejudicial, and in prospect more dangerous to any mother kingdom, than the "increase of shipping in her colonies, plantations, or pro"vinces," &c.-Chap. 10.

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Illustrations of the spirit testified in these extracts

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