military subordinates. It is deplorable to think that the representatives of the people of Great Britain should have passed so lightly over the outrages committed by our soldiery. Sir Henry Hardinge stood forward to deny the cruelties that have been charged upon the army.

But we presume no man can deny that Ghuznee was occupied without resistance, and yet the city as well as the citadel and military works were devoted to the flames, and that 10,000 men, women, and children saw their homes consumed by fire, during three days' conflagration, on the approach of winter. Three other principal cities, Cabul, Ishalif, and Jellalahad were also reduced to ashes, but their smoke has gone up before God, who will "requite" cruelty and wrong, by whomsoever perpetrated. The destruction of the tomb of Sultan Mahmood also was a needless insult offered to our Mussulman subjects, while it tempted his lordship to the restoration of the gates of the Hindoo temple of Somnauth, than which there was never so trumpery a piece of pantomine, acted by any representative of the British crown. Lord Ellenborough's idolatrous proclamation is to become the subject of parliamentary discussion, and we rejoice to see that Sir Henry Inglis's Christian zeal rises superior to his party preferences, and that he is prepared to reprobate in the terms it deserves that most impolitic and inflated document.

Her Majesty expresses her regret at the deficient revenue, and the causes of that deficiency have led to five nights' debate on the great and general distress which still continues to afflict this country. At the close of this protracted discussion, Sir Robert Peel replied to Mr. Cobden, as if he had threatened with him personal danger. This, with the recent assassination of Mr. Drummond, the private secretary of Sir Robert Peel, in mind, produced a scene of intense excitement in the house. The stir was doubtless augmented by a reference which Lord Brougham had made in the upper house to a speech of the Rev. R. S. Bailey, pastor of the Independent Church assembling at Howard's Street Chapel, Sheffield, delivered at an Anti-Corn-Law League meeting, in which his lordship surmised that assassination was rather excited than discouraged. We think Mr. Bailey's remarks were intemperate and unadvised, but as to the imputation that he or Mr. Cobden thought lightly of assassination, we regard it as a well feigned trick, got up to meet the powerful attack of that honest senator, upon the class system of legislation which is rapidly undermining our national prosperity. Various other topics are before parliament that require to be watched by the faithful guardians of Nonconformist interests:-Church Extension, Health of Towns' Bill, Ecclsiastical Courts' Bill, &c.

The affairs of the church of SCOTLAND, which are approaching a crisis that a few months may terminate, have been mentioned in parliament, but we have no room for any other remarks. This, however, we must say, that it would give us sincere pleasure to see our churches uniting in meetings for especial prayer, "on the state of the nation," which appears at this time to require a much larger portion of humility and prayer, than at the present time is exercised, at least publicly, by any class of Christians amongst us.

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.

Favours have been received from Rev. Drs. Clunie and Hoppus.

Rev. Messrs. Edward White-J. Brierley-George Taylor-Isaac Jennings-J. G. Pigg-A. J. Morris-R. Ferguson-O. T. Dobbin-T. Timpson-G. B. KiddJoseph Ketley-Charles Payton-J. K. Foster.

Messrs. D. Benham-Joshua Wilson-S. Parminter.

A Congregationalist-A. A.-W. F.-W. S.

The Editor will be happy to receive the paper Mr. Brierley has proposed.

Mr. Parminter's article will appear.

THE

CONGREGATIONAL MAGAZINE.

APRIL, 1843.

THE LETTERS AND JOURNALS OF ROBERT BAILLIE, A.M., PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW, A.D. 1637-1662.* THE ecclesiastical affairs of England and Scotland, now in the middle of the nineteenth century, bear a remarkable resemblance, in many particulars, to those of the middle of the seventeenth century, so that a series of historical parallels might be supplied, that would afford a useful study to those who are moving on the same line with the velocity, indeed, of a locomotive engine, but, as it seems to us, without that foresight of danger or knowledge of the terminus, which is indispensable to a skilful engineer.

Those who wish to understand the principles and feelings of the actors in that fierce struggle which deluged our island with tears and blood from 1638 to 1688, should not content themselves with the pictures which historians and novelists supply; for they have generally studied party interests or poetical effect, much more than the truthfulness of the scenes they depict; but they should read the pages of contemporaneous writers, who knew the men, and witnessed the transactions they describe, and who were themselves amongst the chief agents in those spirit-stirring times.

It is now our pleasant task to introduce to our English readers a writer scarcely known amongst them, but who, for accuracy of information, minuteness of detail, clearness and simplicity of narrative, and

* "The Letters and Journals of Robert Baillie, A.M., Principal of the University of Glasgow. M.DC.XXXVII.-M.DC.LXII. Edited from the Author's Manuscripts by David Laing, Esq." In three volumes, royal 8vo. pp. 492, 516, 532, cxxvi. Edinburgh: Robert Ogle. 1842.

consequently in general interest, is scarcely second to any chronicler of his age. We call him a chronicler, but, in fact, the handsome volumes now before us are mainly occupied with letters addressed to his relative, Mr. William Spang, minister of the Scottish church at Campvere and afterwards at Middleburg in Zealand, during a correspondence of twenty-five years' continuance.

"His earlier letters," says the preface, "allude to those measures of Charles the First that awakened an irrepressible spirit of religious zeal and independence, which ere long triumphed over every obstacle, and secured the re-establishment of Presbytery in Scotland. His letters then detail the origin, the changing fortunes, and the tragical incidents of the great civil war which desolated these kingdoms; interspersed with accounts of the trial of the Earl of Strafford, the proceedings of General Assemblies of the Church, and of the Westminster Assembly of Divines; and they carry us on to the period when the dominant power of Cromwell and his sectarian forces, aided by the infatuated conduct of the English monarch, prevented that uniformity of religion in doctrine, discipline, and church-government, to the accomplishment of which both nations were deeply pledged by the Solemn League and Covenant. This vision being at length dispelled, there was also an end put to the long cherished expectations of peace and concord, when the death warrant of Charles the First was signed, notwithstanding the public remonstrances and protestations of the Presbyterians both in Scotland and England. One act of our lamentable tragedy,' says Baillie, being ended, we are entering again upon the scene:'-and now the affairs of the church, in which he continued to sustain a somewhat conspicuous part, chiefly occupy his attention. It will be seen, that the attachment of the Presbyterians to a monarchical government, was the primary cause of these unhappy differences which sprang up and divided the Church of Scotland into the two parties, known as 'Public Resolutioners,' and 'Protesters,' each of them actuated by the best motives, yet whose opposition proved not less ruinous to both, by eventually leading to the overthrow of the Presbyterian form of church government in Scotland after the Restoration.-With what deplorable results to the interests of religion and the country at large, this last measure was attended, Baillie himself did not survive long enough to witness.”—Preface, pp. i., ii.

The high Presbyterian tone of this extract is in perfect accordance with the key note of Baillie's mind, and high Independents may have occasion to restrain their tempers when they read the terms which the worthy Principal employs respecting the fathers of their churches. We however can forgive all that he has said against them, when we read the accounts he gives of the schemes and intrigues to which he and his Presbyterian brethren were parties, to enlist not only the pens of learned strangers, and the correspondence of foreign churches, but the armies of Scotland also, to uphold the Divine right of Presbyterianism.

Before we proceed to gratify our readers with specimens of the contents of these interesting volumes, we must say a word about their history.

Most of the MSS. of Baillie were happily preserved, and are now in the possession of the Church of Scotland, or in the Libraries of the Universities of Glasgow, and of the Society of Antiquities in Edinburgh.

An excellent literary association in Edinburgh, THE Bannatyne Club, instituted several years ago, for the purpose of preserving in an accessible

form the more valuable remains of the national history and literature of Scotland, existing in manuscript or in printed works of great rarity, resolved to incur the expense of collecting and transcribing the MSS.; and to collect from various sources many unpublished documents illustrative of Baillie's statements, and which supply a most important appendix to each volume; and which amount in the whole to an hundred articles of great historical worth and general interest. The editorial task was assigned, by a vote of the Club, to their Secretary, David Laing, Esq., who, assisted by Mr. David Meek, has produced a standard work, that is most creditable to the liberality, taste, and research of the parties concerned.

We

The "Memoir of the Life and Writings of Robert Baillie," written by Mr. L. as introductory to the first volume, extends, with its appendix, to 126 pages; and will be found a valuable clue to enable the reader to thread his way through the crowd of facts and incidents which Baillie's gossiping propensities have happily preserved from oblivion. ought to add that the index of names is very copious, and the glossary of obsolete words is very acceptable to us "pure southrons," who are "smallie learned" in such matters. We need only add to this account of the edition before us, that it is made so complete by the researches of its industrious and learned editor, and so handsome by the liberality of the Club and the typography of Messrs. Lawrie, that henceforth it will be the standard edition of this national work, without which no library can be considered complete. But enough of the editor; now let us hear of the author.

Robert Baillie was of an aristocratic family, and educated at Glasgow, where, to use his own words, "he had drunken in without examination, from my Master Cameron, that slavish tenet, that all resistance to the supreame magistrate in anie case was simplie unlawfull," and had been gained by him and Mr. Struthers "to some points of conformity, which if the Lord's mercy had not prevented, might have led me, as many of my betters, to have run on in all the errors and defections of those bad times."

This plan of poisoning the springs of religion and literature with the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, in church and state, would have worked then in Scotland, as we fear it is working now in England, to enfeeble the moral stamina of the nation, had not the providence of God removed the most wily of the Stuarts to his account, and permitted the most impetuous of his sons to ascend the throne. "The Canterburian faction," to use Baillie's own expressive sentences, "were hayling us all away to Rome for our religion, and to Constantinople for our policie: they were not carefull much to cover their intention to have our church presentlie popish, and our state slavish, alone that they might have their desyred honour, wealth, and pleasure, whatever displeasure thereby could come to God, or disgrace

their prince, or ruin their country." This roused the spirits even of moderate men. Its influence on Baillie's mind is thus described by Mr. Laing.

"In pursuance of the resolutions formed by Charles the First, for introducing hierarchial prelacy into Scotland, a book of Canons had been framed under the direction of Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Court of High Commission was re-established, conferring powers for bishops, not only to erect local subordinate courts, in which any one bishop, with six assessors, might proceed summarily to try cases of immorality, sedition, and other offences, but likewise to deprive, fine, and imprison all ministers, masters of schools or universities, and others, who should preach or speak in public against the present government, or against any of the conclusions passed at the assembly at Perth. But sufficient time was not allowed, nor had the older prelates resolution enough, generally to establish the proposed inquisitorial courts. The more effectually also to promote the king's intentions, by increasing their power and influence, churchmen were advanced to the highest offices of state; Spottiswood, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, was raised to the dignity of Lord Chancellor, and nine other prelates were introduced as members of the privy council: and the usurping power they began to assume was a source of no small irritation to the nobility. A new form of public service, intended to supersede the Presbyterian forms of worship then used throughout Scotland, was in the course of preparation, and before this book had been seen or even completed, a missive letter was received from the king, which commanded all our subjects, both ecclesiasticall and civill, to conforme themselves in the practice thairof, it being the onlie Forme, which We (having taken the counsell of our clergie,) think fitt to be used in God's publict worship there.'

66

The proclamation of the service-book on the 21st of December, 1636, in compliance with the king's missive letter to the privy council, was the first sound that excited general alarm over the whole kingdom; and at this precise time commences the series of Baillie's Letters and Journals. The proclamation of our liturgy,' he begins, is the matter of my greatest affliction. I pray you, if you can command any copy, by your money or means, let me have one, if it were but for two or three days, with this bearer. I am minded [resolved] to cast my studies for disposing of my mind to such a course as I may be answerable to God for my cariage. However, I am greatly afraid that this apple of contention has banished peace from our poor church hereafter for ever.' His education, habits, and relationship, inclined Baillie to adhere to the dominant party in the church; but their attempt to impose a particular form of service which no one had seen, and without any other sanction than a royal mandate, he considered to be a just cause of alarm; yet his intentions were carefully to examine the book, and as far as conscience would permit, to give due obedience to his ecclesiastical superiors. He cannot, however, avoid remarking, that to impose a book of new canons, and to have the whole form of worship and discipline changed by a simple missive letter or act of privy council, was a measure that would never have been attempted had Scotland been, as some persons alleged, merely 'a pendicle of the diocese of York, instead of a separate church and kingdom.'

"But the proclamation, it is well known, was so far premature, that the copies of the liturgy were not ready for distribution till nearly three months after Easter 1637, the period which had been prescribed for its practice. When it was at length published, it seemed in such portions as differed from the Book of Common Prayer, to be a restoration of the service of the Romish Church. It was not to be wondered, therefore, that ministers and people alike, who had evinced the strongest aversion to mere ceremonial innovations, should take alarm at what appeared to be so great a change in doctrine. Now as concerning our Kirk,' so writes Samuel