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lent, and informing all. Without this, every other institution for the good of mankind would be found imperfect; and there never was a society of any kind that did not find it necessary, under some name or another, to appoint certain persons, whose particular business it might be, to study and explain what was conceived to be the great interests of that society, especially to such of its members as had less opportunity or ability of informing themselves.

We see, then, that the office of such an order of men (call them priests, or by any other name) is important in its original, and noble in its design; being nothing less than the great design of making men wise and happy-wise in knowing and happy in doing what God requires of them.

But what is it that God requires us to know and to do as the means of happiness? Is it not to know and do homage to him as our supreme good, and to know and do our duty in the several relations he hath appointed us to sustain?

Shall those, then, who are called to instruct mankind be told after this, that things belonging to civil happiness fall not within their sphere? Hath not God himself joined the table of social duties to that of religious ones? Hath he not, in his benevolent constitution of things, made temporal wisdom and happiness introductory to that which is eternal? And shall we perversely put asunder what God hath so kindly joined? Or is it not evidently our duty, as teachers, to explain to others their great interests, not only as they are creatures of God, but also as they are members of a particular community?

The contrary doctrine would soon pave the way to entire wretchedness. For what nation hath ever preserved a true sense of virtue, when the sense of liberty was extinct? Or, in particular, could the protestant religion be maintained, if the spirit of protestant liberty were suffered to decay? Are they not so intimately connected, that to, divide them would be to destroy both?

Indeed, languid and remiss as many of our profession are said to be, yet to them is greatly owing what sense of virtue and liberty is still left in this remote part of the globe. Had not they, or some of them at least, from time to time, boldly raised their voice, and warned and exhorted their fellow-citizens, mixing temporal with eternal concerns, most certainly popish error and popish slavery (perhaps heathen error and heathen slavery) had long ere now overwhelmed us! Where, then, would have been the blessings purchased by our reformation and glorious revolution? Or, where would have been that inestimable liberty of conscience, which, as the best things may be most readily abused,

"Now views with scornful, yet with jealous eyes,
"Those very arts that caused itself to rise?"

POPE.

But further, in favour of the point in question, I might here also bring the sanction of God himself, and plead the example of our blessed Lord and master, that great high-priest and best preacher of righteousness, who had a tear-yes, a heart-shed tear for the civil distress incumbent over the very country that

crucified him, and would have led its inhabitants to shun their temporal as well as their eternal misery.

But this I pass over, as I know you will have to deal with those who will be for trying every thing at the bar of what they call impartial Reason. I have, therefore, hinted such reasons as I think will hold immutably true, in societies of every kind, even in the most enlightened, and far more so in those that are circumstanced as we are at present.

We are a people, thrown together from various quarters of the world, differing in all things-language, manners, and sentiments. We are blessed with privileges, which to the wise will prove a sanctuary, but to the foolish a rock of offence. Liberty never deigns to dwell but with a prudent, a sensible and manly people. Our general conduct, I fear, will scarce entitle us to this character in its proper degree. We are apt either to grovel beneath the true spirit of freedom; or, when we aim at spirit, to be borne, by an unbridled fierceness, to the other extreme; not keeping to that rational medium, which is founded on a more enlarged and refined turn of sentiment. Add to all this, that an enterprising enemy behind us is ready to seize every advantage against us. We are continually advancing nearer to one another in our frontier settlements, and have here no surrounding ocean, or impassible barrier between us.

Now, in such a situation, what can ever unite us among ourselves, or keep us a separate people from our crafty foes, but the consciousness of having se parate interests, both civil and religious? It should, therefore, be the constant endeavour of the clergy,

in all their public addresses, to inspire every bosom with a rational zeal for our holy protestant faith, and an utter aversion to all sorts of slavery, especially in the present emergency.

How far a just sense of our inestimable privileges, will contribute to exalt the genius of one people above another, is evident from the conduct of our brave countrymen, in the colonies to the northward. Their preachers have been long accustomed to dwell much upon the rights of Britons and of protestants. In consequence of this, to their immortal honour, they are now acting, as one man, like Britons and protestants, in defence of those rights.

seen.

Among us, on the contrary, where the few, who ought to explain those noble subjects, labour under many disadvantages, which I need not mention to you, a quite different* temper and spirit are to be We either think it unlawful to act at all in the assertion of these sacred rights; or if we act, it is only with half a heart, as if but half informed with that sublime spirit, which is kindled by the love of truth and freedom, and burns in the bosom, like some pure etherial flame, lighting the soul to deeds of virtue and renown.

Every endeavour, therefore, to kindle up this allenlivening flame, and exalt our country's genius, is truly worthy a preacher's character, notwithstanding

This was the state of things at the time of writing the above, when some unhappy disputes and prejudices greatly retarded the public service of the country. But these being at length done away, it must in justice be owned that full compensation hath, in the issue, been made for this firstdelay.

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ten thousand such frivolous cavils as those abovementioned; every one of which falls of course, on the removal of the fundamental one. For, having already shewn, that it becomes those who are placed as watchmen on the walls of our holy Zion, to "cry "aloud and spare not," on the approach of every thing that can hurt or make us afraid," either in our civil or religious capacity; surely no warmth can be unseasonable at a time when all that we account dear or sacred is threatened with one indiscriminate ruin.

Those who are in good earnest, in the great work of instructing others, will suit themselves to seasons and occasions; and for a preacher to neglect the present opportunity of making impressions of holiness, and diffusing a just sense of those excellent privileges, which are but too little understood, though fully enjoyed among us, would be the most unpardonable breach of duty.

It were, no doubt, sincerely to be wished, that the harsh voice of discord, and the clangor of the trumpet, could be forever hushed in the world. And we, in particular, who preach the kingdom of the Messiah, cannot but prize and even adore peace, as it is the chief of blessings, and auspicious to religion and all the best interests of mankind. But the greater this blessing is, the more necessary it often becomes to assert it against those who delight in violence and blood. There is no unmixed felicity in this imperfect state. It was only in Eden and the state of inno cence, where the rose bloomed without its thorn; and till we are admitted into a kingdom of universal

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