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nouncing absolutely and for ever, the different governments of Europe the practice which she had SO reprobated?

"A conditional restoration of her colonies, France," we are told, "would consider as a deep disgrace." This is urged as a defence of the conduct of Great Britain in restoring to France her colonies, without annexing to that restoration the condition of abolishing the slave trade. But, not to repeat that the voluntary abolition of the slave trade (and surely credit might have been taken for its being a voluntary act) would have been most highly honourable to France; if we look at other parts of the Treaty, we shall not find that this fear of humiliating and degrading her has had any thing like an uniform and consistent operation. Does not France, in fact, feel herself humbled and degraded by our retention of the Mauritius, and by the hard conditions under which her settlements in India are restored to her? No man can believe that these stipulations were voluntarily submitted to on the part of France: nay, every man must believe that they were actually forced upon her. The case admits of no other supposition. Not so in respect of the total abolition of the slave trade, supposing it to have been acceded to. There she might have appeared a free agent, and might have acquired fresh glory by every sacrifice she made. And surely it will be admitted, that, however momentous might be those Oriental interests which required the imposition on France of the conditions to which we have alluded, there were interests little less momentous, even in the narrow view of a mere worldly policy, for resisting the revival of her slave trade;-but interests infinitely more important in the eyes of those who regard as invaluable the favour of Him by whom kings reign, and who, we are assured, will give permanence to no throne of which righteousness is not the stay. "Woe to him that buildeth a town with blood, and establisheth a city by iniquity!" Would to God that

had their minds fully awake to the awful emphasis of this denunciation!

6. We adverted briefly in our last Number to the argument drawn from the case of Portugal; but we omitted to notice that of Spain. It is said, that the renunciation of the slave trade by the French would have done liule for the cause of humanity, while Spain and Portugal were permitted to carry it on. Without doubt, there is much force in this argument. But then, as we stated in our last Number, Portugal has already relinquished her right of trading for slaves on 1500 miles of the coast of Africa, the very district where, having succeeded in nearly extinguishing the slave trade, we had begun to establish a beneficial commerce, and to plant schools, missions, &c. but where, now, the slave trade is likely to revive in all its fury. As for Spain, although she has not formally interdicted the trade herself, yet it has been abolished by several of her South American provinces; by all, indeed, who have had any material share in it; namely, the Caraccas, Buenos Ayres, and Chili; and now it is only her islands of Cuba and Porto Rico which may be considered as having an interest in its continuance. And even with respect to these islands, the trade which is carried on for their supply proves to be not a bona fide Spanish trade, but a trade dis guised by the Spanish flag, and actually belonging either to North American or British subjects. satisfactory proof of this fact is to be found in the circumstance, that although many vessels, we believe indeed all vessels, found trading for slaves under the Spanish flag, have been captured and condemned in our Admiralty Courts; yet none of them have been successfully reclaimed. It is also a well-known fact, that previous to the abolition of this trade by Great Britain and the United States of America, there were no Spanish slave ships. Only one ship wearing a Spanish flag is said to have appeared on the coast of

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Africa during the preceding centory The Spaniards bought slaves indeed from other nations; but they themselves carried on no trade for slaves on the coast of Africa. This point should be clearly understood, in order to appreciate the extent of the mischief caused by the revival of the French slave trade.

Let it not, however, be thought, from any thing we have said, that we undervalue the evils arising from the continuance of this trade by Spain and Portugal. Very far from it. Those evils are of a description which, we think, would have fully justified our Government even in requiring from them an entire renunciation of this trade as the price of our alliance. But does this eircumstance render it less a subject of deep regret and disappointment that a whole host of fresh evils should be let loose upon Africa, and should visit even that part of it where the Portugueze slave trade had ceased to have any legal, and the Spanish any practical, exist ence; but where the revival of it by the French will have the effect also of reviving it by Portugal? Our hope was, that the conduct of France, instead of heaping fresh miseries on Africa, would have furnished a new and powerful argument with Spain and Portugal for concurring in the total abolition.

The object of these remarks is by no means to throw any censure on his Majesty's ministers, but to justify the view which we ourselves were led to take, in our last number, of this article in the treaty. To his Majesty's ministers, we, in common with the Country at large, are under the highest obligations; and although in this particular instance we cannot but deeply deplore the engagements into which they have entered, we should gladly have avoided, had it been possible, every expression which might seem in the remotest degree to inculpate them, until they should be at liberty, which they declare themselves not to be at present, to lay before Parliament all the reasons of their conduct. With a view, however, to

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the great interests that are at stake, it did seem to us important both that the real nature of the evils likely to flow from this article should be fully understood; and that the validity of the arguments which have been urged in its defence should be examined, as far as we have the means of examining them. But having discharged what we have considered our duty in this respect, we should think ourselves guilty of the greatest injustice if we did not state that the whole conduct of his Majesty's Ministers in relation to this question, since it has become the subject of public and parliamentary discussion, has been in the highest degree honourable to them. They have shewn a remarkable measure of candour throughout the whole of the discussions, and have appeared actuated by a sincere desire to prevent as far as possible the evils to be apprehended from the treaty. They have cordially concurred mAddresses to the Prince Regent from both Houses of Parliament, which have been answered by the most gracious assurances on his part, of employing his best offices, both with France and at the General Congress, to procure the total abolition of the slave trade. In short, the whole tone of their proceedings in Parliament has been such as to generate a strong hope, and even confidence, that much may yet be done, if not to effect immediately an universal abolition, at least to secure that object ultimately within the period mentioned in the treaty; and in the mean time to obtain such modifications as shall very materially alleviate the evil. It cannot fail to strengthen their hands in this great cause, that the Parliament of Great Britain and the great body of the people are so entirely united in sentiment respecting it." In Parliament, not one word! has been heard, throughout the long and warm discussions which have taken place upon it, in favour of the trade ftself: it has been the subject of universal and unreserved reprobation. And as to the people, the

deep interest which they take in the question is sufficiently evinced by the altogether unexampled extent of the petitions which they have addressed to both Houses of Parliament, and which, numerous and numerously signed as they are, we believe would have been doubled but for an impression produced in many places, that the early assurances of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent on this subject had superseded their necessity.

We again take our leave of this subject, with offering up our earnest prayers to the Almighty Disposer of events, who has in his hands the hearts of all men, that he would incline the kings of the earth, who have themselves been such signal monuments of his mercy, to extend their compassions to the wretched inha bitants of the African Continent. And we are the more earnest in offering up this prayer, because we cannot believe that the thrones, which in so remarkable a manner have been re-erected, will prove very stable, if their possessors should resist the powerful appeal. which is now made to their humanity and justice.

FRANCE.

The Constitution which has been finally adopted for France differs in some material circumstances from that which was hastily proposed to, the acceptance of Louis the XVIII., in the first moments of the CounterRevolution, and of which we gave an account in our Number for April. The civil equality of all Frenchmen, the liberty of all forms of religion (the ministers of the Catholic religion, and of other Christian worships, alone receiving salaries from the State), the inviolability of person and property hut by due course of law, the freedom of the press under restrictions to be hereafter fixed, and the abolition of the conscription, are declared to be among the public rights of Frenchmen. The executive power resides in the king: his person is inviolable, but his ministers are responsible. He is supreme head of the state, commands the forces, declares war, makes treaties, and appoints to all offices without exception. The legislative power resides in the King, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies of the Departments collectively;

but the King proposes the laws to either chamber, except in cases of taxation, which are addressed first to the Deputies, and, after being freely discussed, they must be voted by a majority of both Chambers. The Chambers, however, may supplicate the King to propose a law, provided both the Chambers agree to do so. The nomination of the Peers belongs to the King; their number is not limited, and they may be either for life or hereditary: they have no voice before 30 years of age. All the deliberations of the Peers are secret. The Deputies are to be elected for five years, and in such a manner that a fifth shall be renewed every year. None are eligible who have not reached the age of 40, and do not pay a Electors of these Deputies must not be under 30 years of age, and must pay direct taxes to the amount of 300 francs. The Presi dent of the Chamber is selected by the King from five persons presented to him. The sittings of the Chamber are public, fbut the demand of four members may form it into a secret sitting. No amendment can be made in a law unless it is proposed in a Committee by the King, and also discussed in the Committees. No tax can be raised but by the consent of both Houses, and the sanction of the King. The King convokes and prorogues the two Chambers; and may dissolve that of the Deputies, but he must in that case convoke another in three months. The members of both Houses are to be free from personal constraint, and can only be tried criminally (unless taken in the very fact) with the consent of their respective houses. The Ministers of State may be members of either house, and must be heard in both if they require it. The Chamber of Deputies may impeach ministers, who shall be judged by the Chamber of Peers. The Judges are appointed by the King, and are irremoveable. Trials are to be public, and by jury. The King may pardon. The military retain their rank, &c. The public debt is guaranteed. The ancient nobility resume their titles; the new preserve theirs. The King may confer new tiles.

direct contribution of 1000 francs. The

Such is the outline of this new Constitu tion; and we are disposed to think, that it is probably as free as the circumstances of France will admit of. In regulating that part of it which refers to the press, and which has been done by a subsequent law, the restrictions imposed on its freedom are certainly far more rigid than would be thought right in this country. All works containing less than thirty sheets, which of course include journals of every kind, are previously subjected to a censorship.

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1. The last two months have proved a period of extraordinary festivity in this country. The presence of the allied Sovereigns and of many of those distinguished military commanders who had fought and conquered under their auspices; the spectacles exhibited for their amusement; the eagerness of the population of the metropolis, swelled by an immense accession of numbers from all parts of the kindom, to behold these interesting foreigners; the splendid illuminations which celebrated the eturn of peace, and the still more splendid exhibitions which are preparing for its further celebration, have given to the period of which we speak, a character of universal joyousness and dissipation. Nor have these proceedings been confined to the metropolis. Almost every village in the kingdom has had its fete, and has celebrated, in concurrence with the metropolis, the great events which have changed the face of Europe. We mean not at present to disturb the general joy by any discordant note. We long, however, to see a speedy return of all classes to the sober, quiet, and noiseless habits of the family circle; and we should rejoice to find that the distinguished mercies which have called forth such universal expressions of exultation had left that lasting feeling of gratitude to the Giver of all good, which would lead men to adore his Majesty, to submit to his authority, and to overflow in acts of kindness to their fellow-creatures.

2. The disturbed state of some parts of Ireland has led to the necessity of enacting a fresh law for the preservation of the peace in that quarter, by which the magistrates are armed with extraordinary powers. We ardently wish that a liberal and well-digested Course of policy might be adopted towards

that kingdom, embracing the education of the lower classes, which should lay a solid foundation on which to erect the fabric of order, rational freedom, and social happiness. It is painful to contemplate the necessity which is continually arising for the employment of military force to keep the passions of the populace within any bounds consistent with the general safety. The subject is one which deserves to engage the serious consideration of our ablest statesmen.

3. We have already briefly alluded to the trial and conviction of Lord Cochrane, Mr. C. Johnstone, and seven others, for a conspiracy to defraud the public. No one, it seems to us, can read the account given of the trial, or the remarks made upon it in Parliament, and retain a doubt of the guilt of the parties. Having been expelled from the House of Commons, the Electors of Westminster, without reading the trial or hearing it read, but merely on the assertion of Lord Cochrane himselt, came to an unanimous resolution, declaring him innocent, and pronouncing him to be a fit person to represent them in Parliament. He has accordingly been re-elected.-We have here a good specimen of the nature of what may be called Mobocracy; in other words, a government composed of the Electors of Westminster. A man is found guilty, after a patient and solemn examination of his whole case by a jury of his peers, acting on their oath, in the presence of judges whose knowledge and uprightness are unimpeach able. The Electors of Westminster, on the statement of Lord Cochrane; a statement notoriously false in some of its parts, and unsupported by proof in all; proceed to arraign the verdict of this jury, and to pronounce Lord Cochrane an injured and

an innocent man. Were such a system as this to prevail, it is obvious there would be an end at once to all the securities we enjoy, under our happy constitution, for property, and even for life itself.—We are glad to find that the ignominious part of the punishment to which Lord Cochrane and his accomplices were sentenced, namely, the pillory, has been remitted.

4. The Duke of Wellington has been received on his return to Great Britain with the most distinguished honours. All classes of the community have vied with each other in testifying their respect and admiration of the hero who has been the grand instrument, in the hands of Divine Providence, of producing the happy results we have witnessed, and whose splendid achievements have shed unnumbered rays of glory around his country. He appeared in person in the House of Commons to return his acknowledge ments for the thanks they had conferred upon him, and the rewards they had bestowed on his services. He was received with unbounded acclamations. The address of the Speaker on the occasion was peculiarly impressive.

"My Lord,-Since last I had the honour of addressing you from this place, a series of eventful years has elapsed; but none without some mark and note of your rising glory.

"The military triumphs which your valour has achieved upon the banks of the Douro and the Tagus, of the Ebro and the Garonne, have called forth the spontaneous shouts of admiring nations. Those triumphs it is needless on this day to recount. Their names have been written by your conquering sword in the annals of Europe, and we shall hand them down with exultation to our children's children.

"It is not, however, the grandeur of military success which has alone fixed our admiration, or commanded our applause; it has been that generous and lofty spirit which inspired your troops with unbounded confidence, and taught them to know that the day of battle was always a day of victory; that inoral courage and enduring

fortitude which, in perilous times, when gloom and doubt had beset ordinary minds, stood, nevertheless, unshaken ;--and that ascendancy of character, which, uniting the energies of jealous and rival nations, enabled you to wield, at will, the fate and fortunes of mighty empires.

"For the repeated Thanks and Grants bestowed upon you by this House, in gratitude for your many and eminent services, you have thought fit this day to offer us your acknowledgments; but this nation well knows that it is still largely your debtor, It owes to you the proud satisfaction, that, amidst the constellation of Illustrious Warriors, who have recently visited our country, we could present to them a Leader of our own, to whom all, by common acclamation, conceded the pre-eminence; and when the will of Heaven, and the common destinies of our nature, shall have swept away the present generation, you will have left your great name an imperishable monument, exciting others to like deeds of glory, and serving at once to adorn, defend, and perpetuate, the existenee of this country amongst the ruling nations of the earth.

"It now remains only, that we congra tulate your Grace upon the high and impʊrtant mission on which you are about to proceed*; and we doubt not, that the same splendid talents, so conspicuous in war, will maintain with equal authority, firmness, and temper, our national honour and interests in peace."

5. The sum of 100,000!, has been voted by Parliament for the relief of the German sufferers.

6. The Congress will be opened at Vienna about the end of September. Lord Castlereagh is to go thither on the part of this exertions in favour of Africa, backed as he country. We place much confidence in his will be by the principal sovereigns of Europe, and carrying with him the unani mous sentiments of the British Parliament and the British Public.

*The Duke of Wellington is about to proceed as Ambassador to France.

OBITUARY.

SIR WILLIAM DOLBEN. DIED, on the 20th of March, at Bury St. Edmund's, in the 88th year of his age, Sir William Dolben, Bart. of Finedon in Northamptonshire; who represented the Uni

versity of Oxford during many successive Parliaments, and was a member of the House of Commons nearly fifty years. In public life he was uniformly upright, active, and independent; warmly attached

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