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5th. The Judges of the Supreme Court and Judges of
the Court of Common Pleas, to be appointed by
the Governor, and the appointment to be sanc-
tioned by the Senate; or, to be elected by joint
ballot of both houses-in either case for a term
of five or seven years.
6th. Associate Judges, Justices of the Peace, Prothon-
otaries, Registers and Recorders, and County
Treasurers, to be elected by the people for a
term of years.

viction that the existing constitution of this state is in many respects imperfect, dangerous to civil liberty, and inadequate to the ends of a republican government— that it vests power in the hands of the governor, at once exorbitant and dangerous, without either check or control, contrary to the usages of all other republics, ancient or modern, to the lamentable abridgment of the elective franchise-the palladium of a free people-in fine, that it virtually reverses the old republican maxim, that offices should be created for the benefit of the public, not 7th. All Executive and Judicial officers, which shall be for the private and perpetual advantage of the incumbent. Your memorialists further represent, that the appointed by the Governor, to have their ap- people have long been anxious to remove these imperpointments sanctioned by the Senate. fections, by amending the constitution, in such manner, 8th. The election of a Lieutenant Governor, to preside as will most effectually promote their interests, and renin the Senate, and to act as Chief Magistrate in der permanent the free institutions of this commoncase of the death, refusal to act, removal or im-wealth; but owing to sundry causes, which it is now not peachment of the Governor.

9th. The term of continued elegibility to the office of
Governor, to be reduced or shortened.
10th. A provision for future amendments of the Consti-

tution.

11th. A restriction of the exercise of the pardoning power of the Governor,

On motion of Mr. Earle, the convention proceeded to the consideration of the memorial to be presented to the Legislature.

Mr. Read moved to strike out the following clause, which was reported by the committee:

"We believe that sufficient evidence has been af. forded fully to authorise the Legislature, as the representatives of the people, (conformably to the true intent of that clause of the constitution, which declares the right at all times to alter the form of government in such manner as they may think proper,) to enact a law providing for the speedy election of delegates to a convention for the purpose of submitting the constitution during the present year to a vote of the people. We therefore pray for the immediate passage of a law to that effect. But if your honorable bodies shall think a preliminary vote requisite, then we pray that a vote may be taken on the day of the next general election, or sooner if deemed expedient, on the question of the

call of a convention,"

And insert the following:

"to pass a law submitting the question of convention or no convention, to the people at the next general election."

After considerable discussion, the ayes and noes were called on the amendment, which resulted as follows:

Ayes-Messrs. M'Cague, Clark of Beaver, Kerr, Evans of Butler, Strong, Hoffman, Petrikin, Barnhart, Broadhead, Bennet, Johnson, Cunningham, Rankin, Bonsall, Read, Dimock, Clarke of Huntingdon, Crom

well--18.

Noes--Messrs. Mechling, Purviance, Gilmore, Cameron, Irwin, Allport, Grosh, Kidder. Woodward, Earle, Bignell, Housekeeper, Ortlip, Watkins, Williard, Alexander, Kremer-17.

So the amendment was adopted.

The memorial, which was amended to read as follows, was adopted.

necessary fully to specify, this desirable object has been from time to time frustrated, and the present system, with all its evils, continued. That the act of 1825 was radically defective, in not providing that the convention, if called, should submit its measures to the people for short time afforded for information and reflection, the ratification, and owing to this circumstance, and to the proposition, although it obtained majorities in twentyeight counties, was defeated by the votes of citizens favorable to the amendment of the constitution, but dissatisfied with the provisions of the law presented to them; that if a reform of the constitution is to be effected, it is desirable on many accounts that it take place previously to the height of the excitement that may attend the next gubernatorial and presidential election: and that the present moment is peculiarly favourable to the holding of a convention.

We would therefore respectfully suggest to your honorable bodies the immediate passage of a law, providing that a vote of the citizens of this Commonwealth may be taken on the day of the next general election, on the question of holding a convention for the amendment of the constitution, with a special provision that the voters may, if they see fit, insert in their ballots a direction that the convention shall submit its proceedings to a vote of the people, and that the act also provide that in case of a majority of votes being given in favor of a convention, then, on a fixed day of the present year, delegates shall be elected by the citizens of the several counties, to meet on another day, to be fixed by the same act of assembly, for the purpose of submitting to the ratification of the people, such amendments of the constitution as shall utterly eradicate those evils under which we have too long suffered, and against which we have too long in vain complained.

Your memorialists would wish to be understood as being content to submit the decision of this question to your honorable bodies, upon the evidence now before them; and as being of opinion that any delay of action, not required by the indispensable engagements of the Legislature, would be detrimental to the best interests of the people of this State.

In conclusion your memorialists cannot doubt but the members of the present Legislature, coming as they do from every section of the State-intimately acquainted as they are, with the interests, wants and feelings of the people, and thoroughly convinced, as they must be, of the injurious, unequal and oppressive operation of the present system, will promptly respond to the earnest call of their fellow citizens, and enact such laws upon the subject as patriotism dictates, and the welfare of the people so imperiously demands. Your memorialists deem it almost unnecessary to state that the people The memorial of the undersigned, delegates from the expect thus much from the present Legislature, which several counties of the state of Pennsylvania, assembled this object-they also expect it from the favorable dis in convention at Harrisburg, on the eighth day of Ja-position evinced since the commencement of the present nuary, A. D. 1834--respectfully represents:

To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met:

That this convention believes that the people of this commonwealth are thoroughly impressed with the con

was elected in some measure with direct reference to

session. We therefore, with the greater confidence, make an appeal to the assembled representatives of the people, cherishing the anxious and lively hope, that our

reasonable request will receive the high consideration it demands.

Signed in behalf of the Convention,

GEORGE KREMER, President.

MAHLON ORTLIP,

JACOB MECHLING,

Henry K. Strong, Secretaries. Asa Dimock,

Vice Presidents.

On motion of Mr. Earle, it was Resolved, That the memorial to the Legislature be signed by the officers on behalf of this Convention.

On motion of Mr. Allport, it was

Resolved, That the memorial adopted by this Convention be presented to the House of Representatives by Mr. Kerr of Butler, and that he be respectfully requested to move that it be read in that honorable body, and referred to a select committee.

On motion of Mr. Kerr, it was

Resolved, That a copy of the same memorial be presented to the honorable Senate by Mr. Petrikin, and referred as aforesaid.

Mr. Kerr, from the committee to whom the subject was referred, made the following report, which was adopted:

The committee to whom was referred the enquiry what measures would be proper to be taken by the friends of reform in case of a failure to effect their ob ject during the present year, respectfully report

That owing to the variety of questions of public and private interests that engrosses the human mind and the art and misrepresentation of those whose interests are opposed to the public good, it sometimes happens that a long space of time is requisite to mature and carry into effect the most beneficial measures, and that on the first trial the people give a decision on which additional information and more mature reflection induces them afterwards to reverse.

It was several years after a few minds had determined on American Independence before the measure was adopted by the American people.

Mr. Jefferson failed of an election when first a candi

date for the Presidency. Many instances in illustration of the same principle will doubtless occur to the minds of the convention.

Your committee are, therefore of opinion that a failure on the first trial, either before the Legislature or the people, ought by no means to check the action of the friends of reform, but to stimulate them to fresh and more vigorous exertions, presuming that a want of information, or an imperfect mode of action has been the cause of the first failure.

Your committee therefore propose the adoption of the following resolutions

1. Resolved, That in case of disappointment from any unforeseen cause, no law be passed on the subject during the present session of the Legislature, a committee of this body be requested to call this convention together in April or May next.

2. Resolved, That in case of a decision of the people against a convention owing to the imperfect mode in which the subject is presented for public consideration that the same committee convene this body in Novem

ber or December next.

3. Resolved, That in case of such subsequent meeting, we recommend that the people confer upon their delegates full power to take all measures which appear necessary for the advancement of the cause.

4. Resolved, That the friends of reform will not be deterred by one or more decisions against them before the Legislature or elsewhere, (unless the principle is fairly understood) but will constantly renew the contest in the full conviction, that strong hands and stout hearts in the cause of truth, justice and liberty, must eventual ly triumph over misrepresentation, injustice and oppression.

On motion of Mr. Purviance, it was

Resolved, That a general State committee of five be appointed from this convention, and that they be authorized to appoint committees, composed of three persons, in each of the counties in this commonwealth, to draft an address to the people of their respective counties on the subject of reform, and in addition to act as a committee of vigilance in furthering the principles adopted by this convention.

Adjoured to 9 o'clock to-morrow morning.

Jan. 11, 9 o'clock, A. M.

Met according to adjournment.

The convention took up the resolution for the appointment of a State committee of correspondence, and for the purpose of appointing county committees. On motion the resolution was amended by authorizing the state committee to draft an address to the citizens of the Commonwealth.

The following were appointed a state committee.
ABNER LACOCK, of Beaver.
ALMON H. READ, of Susquehanna.
SAMUEL KERR, of Butler.
HENRY K. STRONG, of Dauphin.
THOMAS EARLE, of Philadelphia.
On motion of Mr. Earle, it was

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to collect and publish information calculated to advance the objects of this Convention.

The following were appointed the committee. Messrs.-Earle, Allport, Johnson, Kidder, Kremer, Watkins, Gilmore, Cameron, Stoever, Ortlip Mr. Woodward, of Wayne offered the following as a protest to the report of the committee to suggest amendments to the constitution.

The undersigned from the committee appointed "to prepare alterations of the constitution to the Legislature," offers the following

PROTEST.

He considers any proposition from this convention as to the particulars in which the constitution shall be altered, altogether untimed. That he cannot conceive the least advantage resulting from the proposed alterations; if, the question of convention, or no convention, is first to be submitted to the public, and that he firmly be lieves any proposed measure in this case would defeat the object of the friends of reform.

The undersigned represents in the convention a county, whose citizens in his behalf are decidedly in favor of a proper reform of the constitution. He feels bound however to protest against any propositions that shall exceed the mere expression of the wishes of the citizens of his county. Nor can he perceive the least authority tions shall, or shall not be made. He even doubts the of this convention to pass any vote declaring what alteraauthority of the Legislature of Pennsylvania to suggest any alteration whatever, if a vote is to be taken by the people. The undersigned believes that a convention of delegates duly elected by the people should meet untrammeled, and as the independent representatives of the sovereign authority of the land.

NATHANIEL A. WOODWARD.

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Among the indications of the wide-spread and rapidly increasing distress, the recent expression of public opinion, by the largest assemblage of people, without distinction of party, ever witnessed in this city, is not the least impressive; and the following facts, in addition, will satisfy your honourable bodies that there is neither exaggeration nor coloring in the assertion here made that the prevailing panic and pressure for money, and the gloomy forebodings of the future, are without a precedent in the experience of this country. In proof of this allegation the Chamber of Commerce refer with pain

To the decline in price of the public and incorporated Stocks generally, which varies from 10 to 30 per cent.

To the depression of the Foreign and Domestic Exchanges, and the extreme difficulty of negociating Bills

To the fall in value of all the principal articles of domestic produce, whether for export or home consumption

To the impracticability of borrowing, as heretofore, on mortgage, even at the highest legal rate of interest, and the ruinous discount now current on good mercantile paper, which varies from 12 to 18 per cent. per

annum

To the difficulty of obtaining cash advances on produce or merchandize from factors or commission merchants, who refuse to contract engagements with which they may not be able to comply

To the inability of Contractors for State Loans, or the subscribers to corporate Stocks to pay up their instalments, and the great danger of a suspension of the public improvements, from the difficulty of borrow ing, and the consequent disappointment and ruin of the Contractors for the public works

To the discharge from employ of laborers and workmen, and the suspension of business in the various mechanical and manufacturing pursuits

To the decline in value of Real Estate, both in town and country

To the inability of some of the corporate companies to pay the interest due on their borrowed money, or of the State Banks to discount new paper, or do more than renew their previous loans; and, in fine, to the suspension of all commercial confidence-the complete stagnation of business in every department of industryand the bankruptcies and embarrassment consequent on such a state of affairs

To the necessity imposed on the Bank of the United States of contracting its accommodations, and of guard

Between 4 and 5 A. M. the whole Southern Hemisphere seemed to be enveloped in a shower of fire from the quantity of meteors that kept incessantly falling against the attempts to cripple its resources and decry its credit, not only by a withdrawal of the pubing. The writer of this note has followed the sea as a lic deposits, but by a combined and systematic proprofession for more than 30 years, and can safely say, has been more than 4000 nights on a ship's deck in dif- scription and perversion of all its operations, even when dictated by self preservation. ferent parts of the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, but nev er saw any thing like it.

MEMORIAL OF THE PHILADELPHIA CHAM-
BER OF COMMERCE.

Memorial of the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce,
to the Congress of the United States.
To the Honourable the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States, in Congress assembled―
The Memorial of the Chamber of Commerce of the City
of Philadelphia,

Respectfully Represents

That, prompted by a strong sense of duty, and viewing with serious alarm the present crisis in the money concerns of the country, the undersigned confidently apply to Congress for relief; under whose guardianship and control the currency of the Nation has been specially placed by the letter as well as the spirit of the Constitution.

In regard to the cause of the frightful conjuncture here depicted, your memorialists feel it due to candour, to point unreservedly to the removal of the public funds as the immediate and only one to which the present pecuniary distress can be rationally attributed.

They are unable to conceive how, in good faith or sound policy, a National Bank, created among other objects, for the express purpose of restoring specie payments-of regulating and maintaining a pure and unvitiated currency-an institution at once the fiscal agent and co-partner of the Government, to the extent of one-fifth of its capital, can be crushed and destroyed, without burying beneath its ruins all the great interests of the country, with which its existence is indissolubly connected. Would the downfall of the Bank (it is respectfully asked) benefit the condition of the Government and people? Would not such an event, on the contrary, draw into its vortex all the State Banks, and lead infallibly to a suspension of specie payment?

Fear and distrust are gradually ripening (as your memorialists believe) into desperation and despair; and

must paralize and derange the diversified concerns of the whole country-embracing, at this moment, not less than one thousand millions of dollars of property, which is in a constant state of motion and transit throughout the vast extent of this Union. Among the most alarming proofs of declining credit and reputation abroad, is the fact that considerable parcels of American Stocks have recently been returned from London as unsaleable; and it cannot be disguised that the high confidence of European capitalists, heretofore reposed in the security of our State Loans and Bank Stocks, has been so shaken by the attempts to discredit and destroy our own Government Bank, as to have produced the most disastrous re-action in the market here, followed by a reduc-banks, including that of our National Bank--the aggretion in value unprecedented both. in the rates and rapidity of the decline.

provisions and regulations of the States in which these Banks are established, and to the amount of specie in their vaults, which in the Safety Fund Banks of New York, appear by late official returns to be only 5 per cent. on their capitals. France incurs no risk from these causes-her currency is all metallic, except about onetenth. That of Great Britain is half of gold and silver, and half of Bank notes, and her great National Bank has therefore little comparative difficulty in restraining the issues of the country banks, which are moreover, controlled by fourteen branches, which will probably be soon increased in number. The currency of the United States consists of the notes of four hundred

Heretofore our merchants have been able to effect loans upon a deposit, or sale of American Stocks in London, as best suited their convenience, and the demand for our public improvements: but those facilities and resources are now cut off, by the withdrawal of that confidence upon which alone they rested, and that at a moment when our extensive operations, in canals and rail roads, have rendered the exigency peculiarly mischevous and embarrassing.

Although the undersigned abstain from the discussion of mere political questions, which Congress alone are competent to decide, yet in matters involving the rights and interests of the community, they look with confidence to the powers reposed by the Constitution in your honorable bodies as the true and legitimate source of relief.

In recurring to that instrument, they find that the exclusive authority to coin money and regulate the currency is reserved to the Federal Government, and that the States are specially prohibited from exercising that vital function of sovereignty-and can neither issue bills of credit, nor make any thing but gold and silver a legal tender in payment of debts.

It is, therefore, apparent that, in applying a remedy for the existing evils, Congress would be only exercising the same constitutional power under which it has twice created a National Bank, that has been in operation thirty-six years of the forty-four of our political existence. It was under that provision of the Constitution which authorizes Congress to coin money, and fix the value of the precious metals, (and by consequence the value of their paper representative) that the currency of the country has hitherto been regulated, and confidence and stability imparted to the pecuniary transactions and exchanges of the Union--excepting only that period from 1811 to 1816, between the expiration of the charter of the first Bank and the establishment of the present Bank of the United States, when specie payments were suspended by the State Banks. This circumstance conveys a salutary admonition in regard to the importance and necessity of a National Bank to check and restrain excessive issues of notes by the State Institutions, and shows their utter incompetence to furnish a safe and universal currency, inasmuch as it was through the instrumentality and agency of the present Bank of the United States alone, that specie payments were finally resumed, and the money concerns of the country restored to their former sound condition. There are some peculiarities in the currency of the United States, as contrasted with that of Great Britain and France, which deserve the most serious consideration of Congress, and which subject it to dangerous fluctuations, unknown in those countries with whom we are most intimately connected in trade and exchanges. These fluctuations particularly incident to a circulation extending over twenty-four States, and resting upon a very limited metallic basis, obviously requires the ut most vigilance of the National Legislature to preserve it from frequent convulsions, and the danger of a sus pension of specie payments. The liability of such a catastrophe is just in proportion to the various laws,

gate capitals of which are about two hundred millions of dollars-the notes in circulation are one hundred millions, and the deposits estimated at fifty millions of dollars, making altogether one hundred and fifty milhons of dollars of currency in Bank notes and deposits, which are sustained by only twenty millions in specie in the vaults of all the Banks. Here then is an aggregate mass of three hundred and fifty millions of dollars (exclusive of negotiable mercantile notes to an immense amount,) all resting upon confidence, and only twenty millions of specie for its support. Now, as the Bank of the United States possesses one-half of the specie in the vaults of all the Banks, to wit, ten millions of dollars, and has, moreover, large balances due to it and the Branches by the State Banks, the inference is not less clear than satisfactory, that Congress holds, by means of the Bank of the United States, a salutary control over the issues of the State Banks, and is able to sustain and regulate their operations, so as to keep them within the limits necessary for their own safety, as well as that of the country.

This control will be seen and acknowledged by all acquainted with the principles of banking, to be essential to the security of a currency composed almost entirely of paper, and so very inferior in its metallic basis, to that of England and France. From these data, your memorialists respectfully submit, that a National Bank, whose notes circulate and command specie in every quarter of the Union, is the surest friend and support of the State Banks, and that its own safety is iden tified with, and absolutely requires that it should aid and protect all the sound State institutions. One of the greatest dangers the undersigned conceive, to which the currency and public and private credit are now exposed, is the loss of that confidence abroad which rendered our public Stocks and Loans a sure and safe remittance to England, and which, consequently, diminished the drain and export of specie, when the rate of Exchange was above the par standard-to the same extent in which our stocks can be sold and retained in Europe. It is, therefore, obvious, that unless confidence in our public securities can be restored by preserving the national faith, that the moment exchange rises beyond the real par value, the specie of the country will be drawn from the Banks as a remittance to Europe, and leave them with empty vaults to deplore, a second time, when too late to be corrected, the fatal policy of suspending specie payments. There is, indeed, too much reason to apprehend, that the injury and shock which American credit has sustained in Europe, by the late impeachment of our National Bank, will not easily be repaired and overcome-but if even that stain upon our reputation were washed away, it can only be done by preserving good faith with the stockholders of the Bank, (both foreign and domestic) and restoring the public deposits to its safe keeping, in conformity to the conditions of its charter: and they beg leave to add their solemn conviction, that the system of internal improvements, by roads and canals, now in progress in Pennsylvania, and throughout the United States, will, if aided and sustained by a sound currency, through the instrumentality of a National Bank, be the best guarantee for the perpetuity of the Union, and the

prosperity and happiness of the American people. They are, moreover, thoroughly satisfied, that the interest of the State Banks is not only compatible with the existence of a National Bank, but that each in its proper sphere is necessary and useful to the other.

In conclusion, your memorialists respectfully pray your honorable bodies to cause the public deposits to be restored to the Bank of the United States, as due in good faith to the stockholders in that Institution, and to the great interests of the nation. Philadelphia, January 7, 1834.

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The Seventeenth Annual Report of the Indigent Widows' and Single Women's Society.

In presenting the Seventeenth Annual Report of the Indigent Widows' and Single Women's Society to the Patrons of the Institution,it is believed that a plain statement of facts will be most acceptable.

er years, in consequence of the alteration of the street in the front, and of some changes in the interior of the house, all of which have been unavoidable. A petition has been sent to Councils for aid, which has been unsuccessful, but another will be, in the hope that after a plain explanation of facts, we shall meet with better success. We are, however, obliged to appeal to a benevolent public, to whom we have never applied in vain, and our confidence is unshaken in Him who has said he will be a husband to the widow, and we humbly believe he will open the hearts of the charitable for their support.

By the Treasurer's Report it will be found how entirely inadequate, without subscriptions and donations, the funded property is, for the maintenance of the family. Let us remember, therefore, the words of Him who hath said, "the poor ye have with you always, and whensoever ye will, ye can do them good," and inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me."

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To cash paid Thomas Biddle & Co.
for $1,000 Schuylkill Navigation
Loan,

To Purchasing Committee upon
Warrant of the Board of Mana-
gers,

Society,

The Managers, during the past year, have had min- Jan. 1, 1834. To Balance in favour of the gled feelings of pleasure and of pain. Pleasure in the family committed to their care having enjoyed unusual health, and pain in having had great difficulty in meeting the expenses necessarily incurred in the maintenance of so large a family.

Fifty-two aged females have been in the Asylum the last year-four were admitted-four have died-fortyeight are still under our care, many of whom are now suffering from the pains and infirmities incident to advanced age. Five are entirely blind, and three are nearly so, but being accustomed to the house, are able to move from their chambers to the sitting room, with out difficulty. Among the former number is the Widow of Peter Helm, who braved the pestilence of 1793, to attend the sick of Philadelphia.

Visit the Asylum, and you will there behold the sad reverse of fortune! Those who were in their youth in affluence and met in different scenes, were there!-and the niece of a man who was foremost in all acts of charity and mercy in his day and generation, has been an inmate for many years-and in one instance, an individual who, when her husband was living, was a subscriber to the institution, is now a beneficiary of your bounty. Their lives being regular and free from care, seems to give them renewed vigor, and those who, when admitted, appeared near the verge of the grave, have gained a longer lease of life. The lady mentioned in a former report, (from the West Indies,) who had lost sight and hearing, is still in the Asylum, in better health.

The Society was originated Jan. 9, 1817, and on the 18th of March, of the same year, the first individual was enrolled. Since that period one hundred and forty-eight have been received; of twenty of that number, some have been dismissed for disobedience to the rules, some returned to their friends, forty-eight still in a comfortable home, eighty have past from this world to another, and in the enjoyment of religious privileges, many have found a peace which the world could neither given or take away, and died in the hope of a glorious immortality.

Twice we have been obliged to change our matron, but trust the one who now has the charge of the Institution, will long be able to retain it.

The expenses have been much greater than in form

1833.

CR.

Jan. By Balance of former account,

By Cash Saving Fund Society, a re-
turn of deposits,

By admission of Pensioners into Ays-
lum,

By board of persons in Asylum,
By Sundry Donations,
By Annual Subscriptions,
By life Subscriptions,
By Charity Box,

By Fines from Managers,
By one year's Ground Rent,

By Dividends on Stocks and Interest,
Dec.By Cash received, amount of collec-
tions taken up in the 1st Presbyte-
rian Church,

By work done at the Asylum,

Balance (of account) in favour of the
Society,

E. E. Philadelphia, January 1, 1834.

$1,070 00

3,050 00

25 40

$4,145 40

$42 51 700 00

120 00

289 41

815 00

729 00

240 00

34 28

2.00

11 91

994 00

144 79

22 50

$4,145 40

$25 40

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. The question as to the house in which the Declaration of Independence was written, has been lately agitated in the newspapers, and two localities pointed out—. neither of which, it will appear by the annexed correspondence, truly designated the building in which that celebrated document originated. These letters were published as an appendix to the eulogium of N. Biddle, Esq. before the American Philosophial Society in 1827. MONTICELLO, Sep. 16, 1825. Dear Sir,

It is not for me to estimate the importance of the cir

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