"If this, upon the whole, be a true representation of the state of things in our country, and certainly it is in many parts of it, where is reason or justice, where are equal rights or correct feelings, when the laws scarcely notice intemperance but in its last stages, and when reformation is nearly hopeless? Where are even tender feelings of the weaker sort, where is humanity with judgment, when the intemperate head of a family can, year after year, undisturbed by law, make his innocent wife and children poor, mortified and wretched? In such cases, misery seems to be made the portion of the innocent, and the guilty one does as he pleases and goes free. We not only see in every place the hard earnings of industry and of correct habits applied, by a sort of necessity, to support the intemperate, or those ruined by intemperance; but we see also life destroyed by it in numerous instances. As intemperate men lose all sense of character and of country, they become the worst sort of population in a free state. Their vice begets poverty; 'poverty enforces dependence, and dependence increases corruption.' - The maxim which Homer applied to the slave, more forcibly applies to them. No other vice so much as intemperance destroys the mind." pp. 1, 8.

"A third question occurs. Can any more effectual means be adopted to check and restrain this vice? and must not these means be efficient laws, well executed, public opinion, and good examples? Certain it is, these were the means our ancestors adopted in the days of our colonies and provinces, when there was much less intempe rance than there now is. One reason, also, was that public opinion, and public officers had much more influence than they now have. Perhaps they had less fear of the influence of the vicious in popular elections.

"In the best of times and among the best of men, to prosecute, however necessary, is always unpleasant, and usually unpopular. It is then a just sense of duty that must guide public officers and reflecting citizens in the right way. When it is a disagreeable business to restrain or punish the vicious, it is to be recollected they are continually punishing the virtuous, in different ways; and often those whom they are bound, on every principle, kindly to protect and support. Let good sense, sound reflexions, and just views of right and wrong, bring public officers and thinking men to the true sense of duty, in addition to friendly advice and good examples, and we may be reasonably assured this all corrupting vice will be decreased from year to year. The law must watch and check it in time, before one is settled down a common drunkard, or greatly endangers his health, or is on the verge of pauperism. But good laws avail but little, if no one can feel their operation till complained against by volunteer complainants, and such are hardly to be expected. It is much easier to enact good laws to suppress vice, than to execute them well." p. 9.

"Our ancestors deemed it wise, and perhaps we shall on further experience, to make informing the official and positive duty of certain

judicious and discreet persons. When men feel impelled by duty and the positive injunctions of law, they are not so fearful of being thought forward, intrusive or assuming; and they are much less obnoxious than mere volunteer informers. Make it a man's positive duty, by law, to act in a certain manner, and public resentment will but rarely fall on him; but if it fall any where, it will be on the law itself, an event that scarcely ever happens, for obvious reasons; one, that the law is the act of the whole people and has a solemn sanction in all respects." p. 10.

The fourth inquiry relates principally to the degree of probability which exists, that any good can probably be done by the measures employed for the suppression of the habit of intoxication. The Board appear to be sanguine in the belief, "that much has been lately done, that much is doing, and that much can be done to lessen the evils of intemperance." Though they do not believe, "that any human means can entirely suppress these evils; yet they do believe, that it is in the power of the wise and virtuous of the state or nation, very much to restrain and diminish them, and by exertions no greater than they have often made."

"No doubt this is a work of time, of patience, and of perseverance, which ever commences in true and extensive information, iu correct views of the mischiefs or oppressions to be removed. Instances in proof need not be stated-they will be recollected. For several years past, every month has afforded evidence to confirm this reasoning on the subject in question, not only in the ways above stated, but many men of high standing have, within the ten last years, engaged with zeal in effecting the reformation we are attempting, thinking the importance of the cause calls for their exertions; that the pernicious evils of intemperance must be circumscribed. Hence respectable committees in New York, Philadelphia and other places have, of late years, commenced their assiduous inquiries to ascertain their true extent, and to suppress or lessen them. Some legislatures have revised their laws on the subject. A late President of the United States has more than once employed. his pen on the subject, which also has lately engaged the attention of the Governour of New York, who in his speech to her legislature, urged them to pass 'some law to prevent the habitual drunkard from exhibiting in public the odious vice of drunkenness, and by its frequency rendering it less detestable, and to restrain him from wasting his property, and thereby bringing his family, for whom he is bound to provide by the strongest obligations, to want and wretchedness.' 'As auxiliary to the end,' he recommended that all accounts or contracts for ardent spirits, by retail, should not be recoverable by law.' Also the legislature of Vermont, a little time since, appointed a committee composed of the governour, lieutenant governour, other principal officers of the government, and respectable individuals, residing in

different parts of the state, for the purpose of suppressing intemperance. Another state has wisely forbidden justices of the peace to hold their courts in taverns. Among the able individuals, who have written to promote these important purposes, we are pleased to see one writing in the North American Review, who says, 'Nor do we think it easy to ascribe too much mischief to the growing evil of intoxication.' 'Go where you will you cannot escape the sight of this destroyer of domestic peace and public virtue.' 'It is boldly alleged as the excuse of crimes, and there is no transgression, for which the offender does not think that he has sufficiently apologized, when he says, that he was intoxicated.' The effectual remedy is a purer state of morals, generally diffused. A heavy tax,' says he, upon domestic as well as foreign spirits, is a remedy from which most is to be hoped; but unhappily it is too much opposed by considerations of private interest, and a love of popularity in rulers, to leave much expectation of its being speedily adopted.'" p. 13, 14.

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One thing, at least, has been the effect of the attention which has been excited in the community to the present subject, they are less averse to adopt measures for the removal of the evil, and more convinced of the possibility of effecting something by strenuous and persevering exertion. There has been, it appears to us, a prevalent feeling that little is to be expected from human means towards the improvement of the state of morals or religion among mankind. This feeling is wearing away; we are no longer willing to sit down contented with doing nothing, because we believe nothing can be effected. We have become ready to try the experiment at least, satisfied to lose our endeavours in a good cause, if Providence does not see fit to bless them with The Report proceeds,

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Having considered, as far as our limits will permit, the laws and public opinion on this subject, and what has been done, is doing, and probably may and will be done on general principles, for the suppression of intemperance, one further inquiry only at present remains--that is, What further laws may be advisedly enacted, as the public mind shall be prepared, from time to time, to receive them and favour their execution?

"We believe that laws may be prudently enacted, from time to time, and with a proper regard to our state of society, to the following purposes and that such laws will be useful and effectual for circumscribing the evils of intemperance. 1. Laws which shall diminish very much the quantity of ardent spirits, that shall be obtainable at any rate; as laws prohibiting or essentially limiting the distillation of grain, &c. 2. Laws that shall greatly raise the price of such ardent spirits as shall be obtainable or for sale; as increasing the duties on those imported, on those distilled or produced at home, and on all licenses for selling them. 3. Laws which shall very much reduce the number of such licenses. 4. Laws confining licenses to

persons of unquestionably good moral character, and who shall give ample security for conforming to the laws. 5., Laws which shall punish, as the English and Colony laws did, drunkenness as an offence in itself against law, when proved in such manner as shall be prescribed. 6. Laws that shall expressly make it the duty of selectmen to appoint discreet and prudent men, whose business shall be to complain of breaches of the laws against intemperance, and such other vices as shall be specified, with reasonable compensations for their services. 7. Laws which shall expressly enjoin selectmen to meet at stated periods appointed in the laws, to have the informers before them when so assembled, and to make strict inquiries if licen-, sed persons have in all things conformed to the laws. 8. Laws which shall expressly enjoin the Courts of Sessions to limit their licences to the number clearly necessary in each town, and carefully to examine the moral character of each person licensed, and his qualifications for his employment-or perhaps, which shall even go further, and prohibit the granting of more than a certain number of licenses to a fixed number of inhabitants. 9. Laws giving guardians such power over the persons, as well as estates of their intemperate wards, as shall be necessary effectually to prevent them from obtaining the means of intoxication.

With regard to these suggestions it may be observed, that as we only state principles whereon to frame laws, so it may be observed, that these principles are not new, but that they have been the groundwork of statutes for the suppression of vice, practised upon in many countries, aucient and modern, especially by our ancestors, and at different times and in various places in this country. In numerous cases, statute laws have forbidden grain to be distilled into ardent spirits-in other words, the bread of the people to be converted into what is, too often, their poison and their moral destroyer. So in numerous cases, statute laws have been enacted, not only for raising revenue upon ardent spirits, but also to make them scarce, in order to aid the cause of good government, morality and religion; and to benefit labouring people especially, by keeping what is too often their ruin, in a good measure out of their reach. If any still believe ardent spirits to be necessary for labouring men, or beneficial to them, let a fair comparison be made among our farmers in the same town, between those who have used little or none of them, and those who have used them freely, and it will be seen that the former have ever enjoyed more health and vigour of constitution, especially in old age, than the latter. To establish this difference we need not say more, as it has been so fully proved already by this and other societies, as well as by many medical and other writers." pp. 14-16.

Laws framed upon these principles would be admirably calculated for the purpose of reforming and restraining the intemperate; they would have all the effect which laws ever can have. In order to any beneficial and permanent influence, it appears

vitally important that the subject should be thoroughly attended to. If laws are made at all, they should be made upon a system; they should extend so as to embrace every case, and preclude every difficulty. They should form as distinct a department of public attention and legislation as the poor laws. Statutes should not be enacted, and then left to be executed by selectmen, justices, or constables, just as it may happen, without making it the duty of a particular individual. Such laws are never put in force-when any odium is attached to their execution-if the duty can be avoided by those on whom it falls. And that this is the case with regard to our laws as they exist at present, is sufficiently shown by the circumstance, that even such as they are, they in fact are not, and never can be executed, unless specific provision be made for that purpose.

We have overseers of the poor-why may we not have overseers of the intemperate? We have sheriffs, constables, and judges, whose business it is to exercise a guardianship over the public morals, and to detect and punish all crimes which are committed. The thief, the robber, the pickpocket do not often escape with impunity, for there are those whose office and interest it is to bring them to justice; and, what is very important, public opinion supports them in the performance of this duty. Why then should we not have officers whose specific business it might be to bring to justice the drunkard-a criminal of another class, it is true, but still a criminal. If it is worth while to have any laws at all, it is worth while to have good ones, and to have them well executed. Let the question be first fairly deliberated and determined, whether legal authority can interfere with any probability of success. If we conclude that it cannot, let the subject be forever dropped; let our laws, such as they are, be stricken from the statute book; for an ill-executed or insufficient law is a disgrace to the community, and far worse than none.. on the other hand, we believe that it can, let the enterprize be undertaken with spirit and zeal; it is certainly of sufficient importance to authorize an experiment of some magnitude, and at some expense. We do not know that there can be any serious objection to the scheme at which we have hinted,--the organization of a regular legal superintendance over the intemperate, carried out into detail in every part of the community. Let every man, who is known, or can be detected to be intemperate, come under the controul of a board established for this purpose; let him be deprived to a certain degree of his legal and personal rights; and let his property and the profits of his labour be under the direction of the board. Let this plan be so 'arranged as to exercise a constant guardianship over the community, keep a New Series-vol. 11.

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If