THE

ORIGINAL SECESSION MAGAZINE.

JANUARY, 1879.

THE PAST AND THE COMING YEAR.

By the time these pages meet the eye of the reader, 1878 will have well-nigh if not wholly run its course; and in entering upon a new year it cannot be inappropriate, and may not be unprofitable, to glance at a few of the more prominent events of the year that is past, and try to gather up some of the lessons these are fitted to teach. That we live in very singular and in certain respects alarming times- times marked by the startling rapidity with which events of the most extraordinary character, and fraught with world-wide importance, are evolved is what is being everywhere daily felt and expressed. Year after year ample indications are being given that the world is hastening on apace toward the grand consummation awaiting it-that the divine purposes are being rapidly accomplished by "terrible things brought about "in righteousness," and that the time of the end is approaching, when, according to the proclamation of the mighty angel seen by John in vision, "there shall be time no longer." Ere this end come, however, we know that the gospel of the kingdom must be preached in all the world for a witness unto all nations. And that all those commotions and upturnings which are filling men's hearts with fear and anxious forebodings may be made subservient to the furtherance of the gospel, so that the blessed cry may soon be heard, "The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our God and of His Christ," ought to be more and more our longing desire and fervent prayer, amid the astounding changes that are taking place, and as we near the eternal world to which we are being so quickly and irresistibly borne by the swiftly-passing years.

NO. I. VOL. XIV.

A

NEW SERIES.

It is represented in Scripture as the part of true wisdom to "regard the work of the Lord, and to consider the operation of His hand." Upon those who fail to do this, while "the harp and the viol and wine are in their feasts," we find a solemn woe pronounced, and regarding such it is affirmed that "the Lord shall destroy them and not build them up." On the other hand, it is declared that "whoso is wise and will observe these things," viz., the operations of God's hand in the government of the world, "even they shall understand the loving-kindness of the Lord." Thus both warned and encouraged, it should surely be ours to aim at intelligently marking and studying the doings of divine providence, with the devout acknowledgment ever rising from our hearts, "This also cometh forth from the Lord of Hosts, who is wonderful in counsel and excellent in working." For such becoming and profitable exercise there is ample scope afforded in the occurrences of the bygone year, for, like most of its more recent predecessors, it has been a year full of events well fitted to make the wise and thoughtful pause often and ponder, and lead them anxiously, if not tremblingly, to inquire, What shall the end-the issue of these things be? The past year has been one that is destined, we believe, to mark an era in history, or at least to stand prominently out in the annals both of our own and of other countries, as a year characterised in no ordinary degree by the prevalence of that "distress of nations with perplexity" which has been predicted as among the certain forerunners of better days to come— the days of the world's jubilee and of the Church's millennial glory. That God's judgments are in the earth and apparently increasing in severity as the years run on and the sins of nations and churches accumulate, will hardly be questioned by any who believe that "the Lord reigneth," that national guilt unrepented of ever entails national suffering, and that it is the Lord's prerogative, as governor among the nations, and one which He has often most signally exercised, to "come out of His place to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity." If the present are not to be regarded as pre-eminently times of shaking and of judgment throughout the nations, it would be difficult, or rather it would be impossible, to determine what would impart to any period this peculiar character.

During the earlier months of the year the public mind of Europe continued to be greatly disquieted and alarmed over the momentous Eastern Question, which Russia had undertaken, perhaps too hastily, to settle alone by means of the sword. When the year opened the terrible sanguinary struggle between Moslem and Muscovite, which had begun six months before, was still going on "to the bitter end," amid the indescribable horrors of a severe winter campaign. Ere

many weeks had passed, however, the end came, and it was bitter indeed. After the fall of their great stronghold, Plevna, disaster after disaster quickly overtook the worn-out Turkish forces, issuing at length in their total defeat and the complete collapse of the Ottoman power. Then came a most anxious moment for our own country, when it seemed as if Britain and victorious Russia were again to come into collision over a demoralised country which had already cost them both too much, and which, by its persistent misrule, had forfeited all claim upon European sympathy and help. Through the interposition of a merciful Providence war was averted, and at length, after many changes and delays, many negotiations and threatened ruptures and "hopes deferred," a Congress of Plenipotentiaries from the great powers of Europe assembled at Berlin to discuss the position of affairs, and arrive, if possible, at some satisfactory settlement, at least for the time being, of the question. Whether the Treaty of Berlin, the result of the Congress's labours, will sufficiently secure all the objects contemplated, and prove a basis for a lasting peace, remains to a large extent yet to be seen. As might be expected, the most conflicting opinions have been expressed regarding the provisions of the Treaty and their probable effects upon the various parties concerned. But whatever be the character of these provisions and the more immediate consequences of their being faithfully carried out-should this take place, as it is to be hoped it will to some extent-it is earnestly to be hoped that the peace secured will be maintained, and that the issue may ultimately be the thorough emancipation of all the socalled Christian races from Ottoman oppression and cruelty, and the furtherance of the cause of true religion and liberty in those fair regions which have for so many ages been blighted by the curse of despotism and of a false, immoral religious system. In the meantime, on the one hand, the power of Turkey, so long shamefully abused, has been curtailed and a large amount of territory wrested from her sway; while, on the other hand, the undue advance of treacherous Russia has received a check, which was probably quite as much needed as the other. And it is certainly matter for rejoicing that religious freedom has been so far secured by the stipulations of the Treaty, which provides that in every locality affected by the decisions of the Congress, difference of religion shall constitute no barrier to the full enjoyment of political and social rights.

There is reason to fear, however, that while peace has been reestablished, the final settlement of this Eastern question, which has so long been the "open sore" of Europe, has not only not been reached, but is yet a good way off. urgently called for, and the Treaty

Political reforms in Turkey are stipulates that these shall be

forthwith introduced; but so long as the country remains morally and socially what it is, any such reforms, if attempted at all, will, as in the past, be of the most superficial and temporary character. A few very bad branches may be lopped off here and there from the corrupt system of administration, but it is radical reform that is needed, a reform reaching and purifying the springs of action in the Empire, and not till this is brought about-if ever it is to be--through higher and more potent influences than Treaty stipulations, will a permanent settlement of the question be arrived at. Whether the prospect of this being effected soon, has been improved by the alliance that has been formed between Turkey and this country, is a question which we suspect it is beyond the power of any to answer satisfactorily. The announcement of this alliance, immediately on the back of the great Congress, took the country by surprise. According to this AngloTurkish Treaty we have undertaken the protectorate of Asia Minor, and have had ceded to us for our generosity the island of Cyprus, the occupation of which will probably cost us far more than it is worth. By some the formation of this Treaty has been hailed with admiration as a master-stroke of policy, increasing our power and prestige in the East, aud securing that our influence shall be duly felt in any future dealings with Eastern complications while by others it has been viewed with alarm and denounced as foolish and dangerous in the extreme, bringing us under most serious responsibilities which are almost certain to involve us sooner or later in fresh troubles. Unquestionably it was a bold experiment on the part of our Government, but as to the wisdom or justifiableness of the step it is difficult to judge. Whether politically wise or unwise, it is to be hoped that the inhabitants of Cyprus will be gainers by the change. It is interesting to think of that island, the birthplace of Barnabas, and where he and Paul laboured successfully as missionaries of the cross, as now come under the dominion of Britain, and it is much to be desired that British Christians would set about doing their duty to it by giving it again the Gospel in its purity. Apart from considerations of mere political expediency, there is a serious moral aspect which this procedure presents that ought to be looked at. It is without doubt a very grave matter for a professedly Christian country to ally itself with, for the purpose of protecting, such a power as the Turkish Empire-a power of the most immoral and wicked character through its connection with an anti-Christian religious system which is doomed to utter destruction. The maxim is a sound one, that what is morally wrong can never be politically right, and therefore it must be in the long run the wisest policy for a Christian nation to avoid entering into any confederacy with such a power.