sense, and to forego the advantages either of birth or education, rather than give a false security to the government, which under their present persuasion they could not make good. To these I have nothing more to say, than to wish them what I think they well deserve, a better cause; but to us who had bound ourselves by previous oaths and obligations in the most solemn manner in the world, the accession of his majesty could administer no occasion of reconsidering this question: there was nothing new required of us; we had no faith to give which was not already plighted, and bound on our souls by the most sacred engage. ments. Those therefore under these circumstances who have openly engaged or secretly favored the rebellion, are void of all excuse; they are guilty of the greatest crime under the greatest aggravation; and seem to have no refuge left but that which was Adam's policy, who hid himself from the presence of the Lord God amongst the trees of the garden,' because he had nothing to cover his nakedness.

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Should any such, quitting all pretences of dissatisfaction with the lawfulness of the present government, plead disobligations or resentments of any sort as the ground of their proceedings, to them we answer in the words of our blessed Saviour, Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of.' Where did they learn that rebellion is the proper remedy in such cases? The church of England has no such doctrine; and if they cannot govern their own passions, yet, in justice to her, they ought not to use her name in a cause which she ever has and will disclaim.

It is perhaps too high a degree of virtue to expect in this age that men should act with a steady view to the public good, without being drawn at all by the bias of their own interest. Whoever builds on a dependence on such a behavior from any set of men, will, I believe, find himself mistaken. Allow then, what cannot be avoided, that men will differ in their views and private interests, yet still methinks there is one common concern, which is the preservation of the whole, in the security of which every man's private fortune is founded; and it is as absurd for a man under any resentment whatever to enter into measures destructive of his country's peace, as it would be for him to burn the title to his estate, because the tenant was behind in his rent.

If therefore we have any concern for the peace and happiness of our country, or any zeal to preserve the light of the gospel with which these kingdoms have been blessed; or if our consciences are not hardened against the influence of the most solemn oaths and obligations, under which we have bound ourselves to be true and faithful to our present Sovereign; we must detest this rebellion, and with sincere hearts adore the goodness of God, who hath wrought this deliverance for us, Let us then, in the second place, consider,

II. What obligations we are under from the same motives to use our own best endeavors to make perpetual the blessing of this deliverance.

This obligation is but the necessary consequence of the duty which we are met this day to perform. Thanksgiving is little more than a solemn piece of mockery, if we have no value for the deliverance for which we would seem to be thankful. If any, or if all the reasons already mentioned, ought to excite us to pray for the peace of our country, or to bless God for restoring it, they must also move us to do what is in our own power to preserve it; since in vain do we pray for the assistance of God in any case, whilst we neglect to use the means of helping ourselves which he has put in our power.

How much the preservation of the present establishment depends on the success of public councils every body knows; and yet should I, by any particular application, seem to suppose that your zeal in this cause wanted a spur, I might well be thought to be the only stranger in Israel, and not to have known the things which have come to pass in these days.'

What private men can do they best know: many are certainly well qualified by their reputation, their station, and great abilities, to promote the interest of their king and country; and surely it is every man's duty to do what he thinks he lawfully. may do, to serve these desirable ends. And this would be allowed to be a very reasonable demand, were not the nation unhappily divided into factions, which have swallowed up all public duty, and transferred to themselves that allegiance which is due only to the crown. Were there but half the zeal to serve the public, which men daily express for the interest of

their several parties, there would be but little encouragement for a second attempt to disturb our peace.

It is wonderful to observe, in all cases, this steady adherence to party those who ascribe it to mere corruption, and the sordid ends of private gain, see but little into the true cause; there is another principle more remote from common observation, which has a greater influence; a principle in itself more generous, though oftentimes in its consequences not less pernicious; I mean, the regard which men have for their own credit and reputation. This is the natural fruit of the best soil; every good man has it, and it is the life of virtuous actions, when its views are rightly directed. But where kingdoms are divided into opposite factions, the true standard of reputation will always be lost, and men will grow into esteem, not for their virtuous actions, but for their party merit. Hence it comes to pass that in civil disputes it is as reproachful to deviate from your leader's opinion, as it is for a private soldier to desert his general in the day of battle. The obligations of the public duty, or of private opinion, will obtain no quarter for you; for such is your case, that you may with less hazard of reproach commit almost any vice, than venture to be in the right without the support of a majority. This evil is the more to be lamented, because its infection spreads most easily among the best. Helvidius Priscus lived in the degeneracy of the empire, but had all the virtues of an old Roman; yet he was observed to be appetentior famæ, quando etiam sapientibus, as the historian remarks, cupido gloriæ novissima exuitur. But whatever may be said in excuse for this passion, in matters which a willing casuist may persuade himself to be indifferent; yet surely it is to be highly blamed, when the prosperity of our king, our country, and our religion are at stake in such a time every man should run the hazard of being true to the public, especially if he cannot desert it without being false to himself.

There is another evil, not much unlike the former, though of a different kind, which is owing also to our unhappy divisions. If, on one side, it may be sometimes difficult for men who have no ill intention to the public, to discharge their duty to it; on

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the other, there will always be some to rejoice when they do wrong; though zeal for the government never produces a more preposterous effect than when it makes men take pleasure in the number or in the perverseness of its enemies. Those who are sincerely and with any judgment in the interest of the king, have nothing more to wish than to see the hearts of all his majesty's subjects united in obedience and affection to him; or, if that is not to be obtained, to see as many as can be. But there is a little kind of men, who, mistaking their party zeal for affection to the government, seem transported when those, whom they have been taught to think their enemies, do by any misbehavior render themselves obnoxious to the present powers: as they rejoice in such misbehavior, so are they apt sometimes to provoke it, and think themselves never better intitled to plead their own merit, than when they have urged others to such things as a wise man and a friend to the government would with all his care have labored to prevent.

Under these unhappy circumstances there is more reason to wish, than there is ground to hope, for peace and unanimity at home. It is an easy matter for a few designing men to fill the people with great, and, at the same time, very unjust apprehensions from their governors; though his majesty, in his great wisdom and goodness, took at the very beginning the properest step to prevent this mischief, by declaring that he would always make the constitution in church and state the rule of his administration. As our constitution in church has many friends, so to our great misfortune has it some enemies; and as it cannot be dissembled but that the fears and jealousies on one side, so it will hardly be denied but that the hopes and expectations on the other, have been very unreasonable. And considering how people, in a state of suspicion, watch and observe each other, how naturally the fears of one increase by seeing the hopes of the other, without knowing or inquiring what ground or foundation there is for them; it will be necessary, in order to quiet the angry spirit that is among us, to suppress these hopes, as well as to allay those fears; and I pray God to reduce them both to their proper bounds, that we may all be content to obey on the same terms on which his majesty has assured us he is disposed to govern.

But above all let us take care to justify ourselves in our concern for our holy religion, which is our best plea and surest pledge of divine favor, by adorning in our lives and conversations the doctrine which we profess. We have with commendable zeal, on many occasions, stood in defence of our religion, at the expense of the blood and treasure of the nation: let it not be observed by our enemies, that the religion of England is a mere watch-word for an army, never valued but when it is to be fought for; and in times of peace laid by, condemned to rust, with other the useless arms and instruments of war. Our religion has domestic as well as foreign enemies; we have seen with what an uncommon zeal it has been attacked by infidels professing not to introduce any religious persuasion, but to throw out all. These men, who deride all religion, will be found in the end to be the best agents for them who labor to bring in the worst; and the interest of our country being so united to the cause of religion, such profane liberty is destructive of our security, since every heart that is alienated from a sense of God and religion, carries off with it a pair of hands from the defence of the public.

To a zeal for true religion let us add charity, the crown of all virtues; and let us sanctify this day of our deliverance by laying aside all hatred, malice, and desire of revenge; that we may with one heart and one mind glorify God for his mercies, and implore his protection for ourselves, our king, and our country; that he would give us the blessings of truth and peace; that he would long preserve our sovereign; and that there may never want a protestant prince descended from him, to go in and out before his people.'