was not slow to take advan- peasant proprietors, who fill
tage of these favourable cir- the ranks of our Indian army,
cumstances in the direction of and are in every respect,
extending irrigated areas and as has already been quoted,
developing the railway system, "the bone and sinew of our
as well as by considerably light- strength," and its acquisition
ening the burdens of taxation by the money - lending and
on the labouring and industrial shop - keeping classes. This
classes. But he went further process of land alienation has
than this. A commission to become constantly more threat-
investigate the possibilities of ening during the last twenty-
irrigation and of water storage five years, until it endangered
was appointed in 1901 under the prosperity and even the
Sir Colin Scott Moncrieff. The existence of the most vigorous
report of that commission, sub- and valuable class of the com-
mitted after an inquiry extend- munity. The Act passed by
ing over eighteen months, has Lord Curzon's government
been exhaustively and carefully limits the periods of mortgages
considered by Government, with on land, and restricts the
the result that a scheme of alienation of land to others
widely extended operations has than bond-fide cultivators. The
now been prepared and ma- measure has been attacked as
tured, to be put into execution an instance of unnecessary and
in the near future.
hasty legislation, interfering
with the rights of property,
and calculated to impair the
credit and wealth of the land-
owning class. The latter prog-
nostications can only be dis-
proved by the lapse of time.
So far, at least, the measure
promises to be beneficial in its
results. As to the necessity
for some such legislation the
balance of expert opinion is
entirely on Lord Curzon's side;
while in reply to any charge of
rashness or want of considera-
tion, the period over which the
discussion of this difficult prob-
lem has extended, a period of
twenty-five or thirty years,
may be quoted as ample dis-
proof of the justice of such
assertions.

Lord Curzon's further measures of agricultural reform, such as the Punjab Land Alienation Act, and his endeavours to secure throughout India greater elasticity in the collection of land revenue, are perhaps too local in their interest or too technical to appeal to readers at home, although to our great Indian empire they are of an importance commensurate with the immense interests involved in the prosperity of the agricultural classes. The first mentioned item of legislation has been so much criticised that we may pause for a moment to notice it. It is designed to prevent the alienation of the land, owing to the gradual increase of agricultural indebtedness, from the hands of its traditional owners, the yeomen and

Space does not permit of more than a passing mention of other improvements connected with agriculture-the

scientific it. . . . The object of all these inquiries is in every case the same-viz., to arrive at the truth." Here we have again the principle so characteristic of Lord Curzon's methods-to do nothing without thorough and careful research, to understand a question completely in order to deal with it adequately, and in order to understand it "to dig down to the bed-rock of concrete fact and experience."

There remains one of the original twelve tasks set himself by Lord Curzon which should be noticed before we leave these questions of internal reform. This is the attention which he gave to the preservation of ancient monuments and historic buildings. Its principal manifestations were the appointment of a specialist as Director of Archæology, and the passing of an Act for the "Preservation of Ancient

establishment of a agricultural research institute (due to the munificence of an American visitor to India, Mr Phipps), the strengthening of the Veterinary Department, and the creation of a scientific Board of Advice. Nor is it necessary to do more than name the reform effected in railway administration, the immense increase in the productiveness of railways, the cheapening of telegraphic charges both on inland lines and between India and Europe, and the reform of the system of education in all its branches. Something more than such cursory notice might well be given to the question of police reform, a subject which so closely affects the welfare of every individual of the two hundred and thirty millions of people in British India. The subject is, however, too large to be dealt with here. It was examined as in the case of education, railways, irrigation, and famine by a special commission, whose report has formed the basis for extensive and far-reaching measures of improvement. In this connection Lord Curzon's remarks regarding the reasons and objects of all these commissions may be quoted. "I can quite believe," he said in the budget discussion of March 1902, "that there will be people who will say that the present administration is earning a strange and abnormal repute, as one of Commissions, Committees, and inquiries. The charge is quite true. I do not for one moment dispute enactment of such a measure

Monuments and objects of archæological, historical, and artistic interest." This measure, so characteristic of Lord Curzon's many - sidedness, so indicative of his love for the past history of India, aroused no controversy and attracted but little notice at the moment. But its importance must not be measured by such a criterion as this. No one will dispute the principle on which it is based, that the care of a nation's historic buildings is closely bound up by ties of history, sentiment, and expediency with the people's interests, and that it is amongst prominent obligations of a government. Moreover, the

the

representative of the suzerain clear up these difficulties and power, as it was to those great powers of Europe who watched from a distance, each eager to take advantage of an error of judgment or a sign of weakness. But they watched in vain. Lord Curzon's capacity for managing difficult and delicate affairs was never shown to better advantage. His discretion was as marked as was the decision and firmness with which he expounded to the assembled chiefs the fixed determination of British policy. "We are not going to throw away this century of costly and triumphant enterprise,' he declared; "we shall not wipe out the most unselfish page in history. The peace of these waters must still be maintained; your independence will continue to be upheld, and the influence of the British Government must remain supreme."

The recent mission to Kabul under Sir Louis Dane is still fresh in men's minds. It has been attacked in many quarters, and its assailants have scoffed at it as a failure. Those who express these views show little knowledge of the circumstances. Since Abdurrahman's death various small difficulties had arisen between the Governments of India and Kabul. Comparatively insignificant though these were individually, yet the previous history of our relations with Afghanistan furnished proof only too clear of the ease with which such matters may be exaggerated until the breach occasioned by them becomes too wide to be bridged. To

to re-establish those perfectly friendly relations which prevailed during the lifetime of the old Amir were the important objects of the mission, and these objects were fully attained. Whatever hopes the Government of India may have entertained of establishing closer commercial relations with Kabul by means of telegraphic communication or railways, it is certain that Lord Curzon is far too well versed in the foreign politics of the past to lay himself open to a rebuff by putting forward unasked any definite proposals for changes of the sort. It is clear that the Amir has no desire for such closer relations either with us or with Russia. One point there is which, if obtainable, would have been of tangible value both to ourselves and to our ally-namely, some method of ensuring that our annual subsidy shall as was its original purpose-be spent upon strengthening the military defences of Afghanistan and rendering it more secure against attack. But in view of the very open terms of the Durand agreement, it is difficult to see how such an object was to be achieved. That Sir Louis Dane was not able to make conditions in this and in other similar respects was no fault of his or of Lord Curzon.

Lord Curzon's attitude with regard to Afghanistan has been the same in all essentials as that which has been described in regard to the Persian Gulf, and the same as he himself outlined in such striking words

"I have had no desire to push on anywhere," he said, "and the history of the past five years has been one, not of aggression, but of consolidation and restraint. It is enough for me to guard what we have without hankering for more. But I would suffer any imputation sooner than be an unfaithful sentinel at my post, or allow the future peace of the country to be compromised by encroachment from the outside as to whose meaning there cannot be any question."

re-arma

when speaking of the difficulties re-armament of all the forces with Tibet:in India with the latest magazine rifle, re- armament of the mountain artillery, provision for the ment of the field artillery with quick-firing guns as soon as the factories can turn them out, thorough reorganisation of the standing transport and enormous increases thereto until it is second to that of no army in the world, immense development of the military factories of India until the country is almost completely independent of supplies of military stores from home,these are only a few of the many and costly measures which have marked Lord Curzon's administration. If until Lord Kitchener came to India more extensive or more sensational reforms were not inaugurated, the omission was not due to any fault of the military system nor to Lord Curzon's rejection of proposals of the sort, but to the fact that the Commanders-in-Chief concerned put no such proposals. forward. When, however, Lord Kitchener succeeded to that high post, the schemes of extensive military reform put forward by him met with a ready encouragement and recognition from Lord Curzon and his government, which amply disproves Mr Brodrick's insinuation that similar reforms had previously been obstructed or negatived by the Viceroy or his advisers. military matters, as in all else, Lord Curzon's guiding principle has always been to work for the true welfare of the

The consideration of Lord Curzon's attitude in regard to foreign politics brings us naturally to the question of his administration of the army of India. This is no occasion, nor have we space, to enter into the details of the controversy which has resulted in India being deprived prematurely of one of the most able Viceroys who ever held the reins of supreme government; but a few words are required to deal with his treatment of military reforms and improvements. In the India Office despatch of May last, which announced the decision of his Majesty's Government in the matter of military administration, Mr Brodrick went so far as to twit the Government of India with having omitted to spend on military measures some of the surplus revenue which had accrued during the previous five years. Never was a charge more unjustly made. In no previous administration has money been spent more freely or provided more readily for army purposes. Additions on an unprecedented scale to the number of British officers in the Indian army, complete

In