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vasion. Shall bodies of men, armed, clothed, and regimented by Spain, carry fire and sword into the bosom of her unoffending neighbor, and shall it be pretended that no attack, no invasion has taken place, because, forsooth, these outrages are committed against Portugal by men to whom Portugal had given birth and nurture? What petty quibbling would it be to say, that an invasion of Portugal from Spain was not a Spanish invasion, because Spain did not employ her own troops, but hired mercenaries to effect her purpose? And what difference 's it, except as an aggravation, that the mercenaries in this instance were natives of Portugal.

England will

between the Portuguese at home.

does

tion of the law of nations, neither make war upon that assailant, nor give to that assailant, much less to any other power, just cause of war against ourselves.

Part Third.

View of the poPortugal with the duties of

state of

reference to

England.

When I state this, it will be obvious to the House, that the vote for which I am In protecting about to call upon them, is a vote for Portugal not the defense of Portugal, not a vote for war on Spain. war against Spain. I beg the House to keep these two points entirely distinct in their consideration. For the former I think I have said enough. If, in what I have now further to say, I should bear hard upon the Spanish government, I beg that it may be observed that, unjustifiable as I shall show their conduct to have been-contrary to the law of nations, contrary to the law of good neighborhood, contrary, I might say, to the laws of God and man-with respect to PortI have already stated, and I now repeat, that ugal-still I do not mean to preclude a locus it never has been the wish or the pre- pænitentiæ, a possibility of redress and reparanot interfere tension of the British government to in- tion. It is our duty to fly to the defense of Portterfere in the internal concerns of the ugal, be the assailant who he may. And, be it Portuguese nation. Questions of that remembered, that, in thus fulfilling the stipulakind the Portuguese nation must settle among tion of ancient treaties, of the existence and obthemselves. But if we were to admit that hordes ligation of which all the world are aware, we, of traitorous refugees from Portugal, with Span-according to the universally admitted construcish arms, or arms furnished or restored to them by Spanish authorities, in their hands, might put off their country for one purpose, and put it on again for another-put it off for the purpose of attack, and put it on again for the purpose of im- Sir, the present situation of Portugal is so punity—if, I say, we were to admit this juggle, anomalous, and the recent years of and either pretend to be deceived by it ourselves, her history are crowded with events or attempt to deceive Portugal, into a belief that so unusual, that the House will, perthere was nothing of external attack, nothing of haps, not think that I am unprofitably foreign hostility, in such a system of aggression wasting its time, if I take the liberty —such pretense and attempt would, perhaps, be of calling its attention, shortly and succinctly, to only ridiculous and contemptible; if they did not those events, and to their influence on the politrequire a much more serious character from be-ical relations of Europe. It is known that the ing employed as an excuse for infidelity to an- consequence of the residence of the cient friendship, and as a pretext for getting rid King of Portugal in Brazil was to of the positive stipulations of treaties. raise the latter country from a coloThis, then, is the case which I lay before the nial to a metropolitan condition; and that, from But this is a House of Commons. Here is, on the the time when the King began to contemplate one hand, an undoubted pledge of na- his return to Portugal, there grew up in Brazil abroad. tional faith-not taken in a corner- a desire of independence that threatened dissennot kept secret between the parties, but publicly sion, if not something like civil contest, between recorded among the annals of history, in the face the European and American dominions of the of the world. Here are, on the other hand, un-house of Braganza. It is known, also, that Great deniable acts of foreign aggression, perpetrated, | Britain undertook a mediation between Portugal indeed, principally through the instrumentality and Brazil, and induced the King to consent to a of domestic traitors, but supported with foreign separation of the two Crowns confirming that means, instigated by foreign councils, and direct- of Brazil on the head of his eldest son. The ed to foreign ends. Putting these facts and this ink with which this agreement was written was pledge together, it is impossible that his Majesty scarcely dry, when the unexpected death of the should refuse the call that has been made upon King of Portugal produced a new state of things, him; nor can Parliament, I am convinced, refuse which reunited on the same head the two Crowns to enable his Majesty to fulfill his undoubted ob- which it had been the policy of England, as well ligations. I am willing to rest the whole ques- as of Portugal and of Brazil, to separate. tion of to-night, and to call for the vote of the that occasion, Great Britain, and another EuroHouse of Commons upon this simple case, divest-pean court closely connected with Brazil, tened altogether of collateral circumstances; from dered advice to the Emperor of Brazil, now be which I especially wish to separate it, in the come King of Portugal, which advice it can not minds of those who hear me, and also in the be accurately said that his Imperial Majesty folminds of others, to whom what I now say will lowed, because he had decided for himself before find its way. If I were to sit down this mo- it reached Rio de Janeiro; but in conformity with ment, without adding another word, I have no which advice, though not in consequence of it, doubt but that I should have the concurrence of his Imperial Majesty determined to abdicate the the House in the address which I mean to pro- Crown of Portugal in favor of his eldest daughBut the Emperor of Brazil had done more.

case of ag gression from

pose.

ter.

Separation of
Brazil from
Portugal.

On

established in

the latter.

This not done through En glish interfer

ence.

What had not been foreseen-what would have ready acceptance which it has met with from all A constitution been beyond the province of any for- orders of the Portuguese people. To that Conal government eign power to advise his Imperial stitution, therefore, thus unquestioned in its oriMajesty had accompanied his abdica- gin, even by those who are most jealous of new tion of the Crown of Portugal with the grant of institutions to that Constitution, thus sanctioned a free constitutional charter for that kingdom. in its outset by the glad and grateful acclamaIt has been surmised that this measure, as well tions of those who are destined to live under it— as the abdication which it accompa- to that Constitution, founded on principles, in a nied, was the offspring of our advice. great degree, similar to those of our own, though No such thing-Great Britain did not differently modified-it is impossible that Ensuggest this measure. It is not her duty nor glishmen should not wish well. But it would her practice to offer suggestions for the internal not be for us to force that Constitution on the regulation of foreign states. She neither ap- people of Portugal, if they were unwilling to reproved nor disapproved of the grant of a consti- ceive it, or if any schism should exist among the tutional charter to Portugal: her opinion upon Portuguese themselves, as to its fitness and conthat grant was never required. True it is, that geniality to the wants and wishes of the nation. the instrument of the constitutional charter was It is no business of ours to fight its battles. We brought to Europe by a gentleman of high trust go to Portugal in the discharge of a sacred obliin the service of the British government. Sir C. gation, contracted under ancient and modern Stuart had gone to Brazil to negotiate the sepa- treaties. When there, nothing shall be done by ration between that country and Portugal. In us to enforce the establishment of the Constituaddition to his character of Plenipotentiary of tion; but we must take care that nothing shall Great Britain, as the mediating power, he had be done by others to prevent it from being fairly also been invested by the King of Portugal with carried into effect. Internally, let the Portuguese the character of his most faithful Majesty's Plen- settle their own affairs; but with respect to exipotentiary for the negotiation with Brazil. That ternal force, while Great Britain has an arm to negotiation had been brought to a happy conclu- raise, it must be raised against the efforts of any sion; and therewith the British part of Sir C. power that should attempt forcibly to control the Stuart's commission had terminated. But Sir C. choice, and fetter the independence of Portugal. Stuart was still resident at Rio de Janeiro, as the Has such been the intention of Spain? WhethPlenipotentiary of the King of Portugal, for nego-er the proceedings which have lately This governtiating commercial arrangements between Portugal and Brazil. In this latter character it was that Sir C. Stuart, on his return to Europe, was requested by the Emperor of Brazil to be the bearer to Portugal of the new constitutional char

ter.

from Spain

been practiced or permitted in Spain, mentisassed were acts of a government exercising the usual power of prudence and foresight (without which a government is, for the good of the people which live under it, no government at all), His Majesty's government found no fault or whether they were the acts of some secret ilwith Sir C. Stuart for executing this commission; legitimate power-of some furious fanatical facbut it was immediately felt that if Sir C. Stuart tion, over-riding the counsels of the ostensible were allowed to remain at Lisbon, it might ap-government, defying it in the capital, and disopear, in the eyes of Europe, that England was the contriver and imposer of the Portuguese Constitution. Sir C. Stuart was, therefore, directed to return home forthwith, in order that the Constitution, if carried into effect there, might plain-ent state of things be the result of the intrigues ly appear to be adopted by the Portuguese nation itself, not forced upon them by English interference.

this govern

ment not now

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As to the merits, sir, of the new Constitution The merits of of Portugal, I have neither the intention nor the right to offer any opinion. the question. Personally, may have formed one; but as an English minister, all I have to say is, May God prosper this attempt at the establishment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often proved itself capable of discharging its duties among the nations of the world!"

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beying it on the frontiers-I will not stop to inquire. It is indifferent to Portugal, smarting under her wrongs-it is indifferent to England, who is called upon to avenge them—whether the pres

are obnox

of a faction, over which, if the Spanish government has no control, it ought to assume one as soon as possible-or of local authorities, over whom it has control, and for whose acts it must, therefore, be held responsible. It matters not, I say, from which of these sources the evil has arisen. In either case, Portugal must be protected; and from England that protection is due. It would be unjust, however, to the Spanish government, to say that it is only Free stattoos among the members of that govern- most of the ment that an unconquerable hatred Spanish people. of liberal institutions exists in Spain. However incredible the phenomenon may appear in this country, I am persuaded that a vast majority of the Spanish nation entertain a decided attachment to arbitrary power, and a predilection for absolute government. The more liberal institutions of countries in the neighborhood have not yet extended their influence into Spain, nor awakened any sympathy in the mass of the Spanish

of our advice, the Portuguese government waved its right under those treaties; very wisely reflecting that it would be highly inconvenient to be placed by the return of their deserters in the difficult alternative of either granting a dangerous amnesty, or ordering numerous executions. The Portuguese government, therefore, signified to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied if, instead of surrendering the deserters, Spain would restore their arms, horses, and equipments; and, separating the men from their officers, would remove both from the frontiers into the interior of Spain. Solemn engagements were entered into by the Spanish government to this effect-first with Portugal, next with France, and afterward with England.

people. Whether the public authorities of Spain did or did not partake of the national sentiment, there would almost necessarily grow up between Portugal and Spain, under present circumstances, an opposition of feelings which it would not require the authority or the suggestions of the government to excite and stimulate into action. Without blame, therefore, to the government of Spain-out of the natural antipathy between the two neighboring nations-the one prizing its recent freedom, the other hugging its traditionary servitude-there might arise mutual provocations and reciprocal injuries which, perhaps, even the most active and vigilant ministry could not altogether restrain. I am inclined to believe that such has been, in part at least, the origin Those engagements, concluded of the differences between Spain and Portugal. one day, were violated the next. The deserters, That in their progress they have been adopted, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were matured, methodized, combined, and brought into allowed to remain congregated together near the more perfect action, by some authority more frontiers of Portugal, where they were enrolled, united and more efficient than the mere feeling trained, and disciplined for the expedition which disseminated through the mass of the communi- they have since undertaken. It is plain that in ty, is certain; but I do believe their origin to these proceedings there was perfidy have been as much in the real sentiment of the somewhere. It rests with the SpanSpanish population, as in the opinion or contriv-ish government to show that it was ance of the government itself.

ment of Spain

this case, En

Whether this be or be not the case, is preIf the govern cisely the question between us and has not acted in Spain. If, though partaking in the gland does not general feelings of the Spanish nawar on her. tion, the Spanish government has, nevertheless, done nothing to embody those feelings, and to direct them hostilely against Portugal; if all that has occurred on the frontiers has occurred only because the vigilance of the Spanish government has been surprised, its confidence betrayed, and its orders neglected-if its engagements have been repeatedly and shamefully violated, not by its own good-will, but against its recommendation and desire-let us see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs of repentance, some measures indicative of sorrow for the past, and of sincerity for the future. In that case, his Majesty's message, to which I propose this night to return an answer of concurrence, will retain the character which I have ascribed to it-that of a measure of defense for Portugal, not a measure of resentment against Spain.

Facts as to existing dif ferences be

Apparent perfidy on the part of Spain.

not with them. It rests with the Spanish government to prove that, if its engagements have not been fulfilled-if its intentions have been eluded and unexecuted-the fault has not been with the government, and that it is ready to make every reparation in its power.

gland equally

I have said that these promises were made to France and to Great Britain as well France and Enas to Portugal. I should do a great insulted by her injustice to France if I were not to conduct. add, that the representations of that government upon this point to the cabinet of Madrid, have been as urgent, and, alas! as fruitless, as those of Great Britain. Upon the first irruption into the Portuguese territory, the French government testified its displeasure by instantly recalling its embassador; and it further directed its chargé d'affaires to signify to his Catholic Majesty, that Spain was not to look for any support from France against the consequences of this aggression upon Portugal. I am bound, I repeat, in justice to the French government, to state, that it has exerted itself to the utmost in urging Spain to retrace the steps which she has so unfortunately taken. It is not for me to say whether any more efficient course might have been adopted to give effect to their exhortations; but as to the sincerity and good faith of the exertions made by the government of France, to press Spain to the execution of her engagements, I have not the shadow of a doubt, and I confidently reckon upon their continuance.

With these explanations and qualifications, let us now proceed to the review of facts. Great desertions took place from the tween Portu Portuguese army into Spain, and some gal and Spain. desertions took place from the Spanish army into Portugal. In the first instance, the Portuguese authorities were taken by surprise; but in every subsequent instance, where they had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it It will be for Spain, upon knowledge of the is but just to say that they uniformly discour-step now taken by his Majesty, to consider in aged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery. There exist between Spain and Portugal specific treaties, stipulating the mutual surrender of deserters. Portugal had, therefore, a right to claim of Spain that every Portuguese deserter should be forthwith sent back. I hardly know whether from its own impulse, or in consequence

KK K

what way she will meet it. The earnest hope and wish of his Majesty's government is, that she may meet it in such a manner as to avert any ill consequences to herself from the measure into which we have been driven by the unjust attack upon Portugal.

Sir, I set out with saying that there were rea

Europe will be one of opinions.

which agitates more or less sensibly different
countries of the world, may be compared to that
of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the
poet :

"Celsâ sedet Æolus arce,

Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras;
Ni faciat, maria ac terras cœlumque profundum
Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras."
The consequence of letting loose the passions at

duce a scene of desolation which no man can
contemplate without horror; and I should not
sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that
I had contributed to precipitate it by a single
moment.

(as I have said) put up with almost any thing that
did not touch national faith and national honor,
rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash
of which we hold in our hands—not knowing
whom they may reach, or how far their ravages
may be carried. Such is the love of peace which
the British government acknowledges; and such
the necessity for peace which the circumstances
of the world inculcate. I will push these topics
no further.

sons which entirely satisfied my judgment that
Peroration: The nothing short of a point of national
next great war in faith or national honor would justify,
at the present moment, any volunta-
ry approximation to the possibility of war. Let
me be understood, however, distinctly as not
meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause
(and in no other may it be the lot of this country
ever to engage!) from a distrust of the strength
of the country to commence it, or of her resour-present chained and confined, would be to pro-
ces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed-but upon
far other grounds: I dread it from an appre-
hension of the tremendous consequences which
might arise from any hostilities in which we
might now be engaged. Some years ago, in
the discussion of the negotiations respecting the This, then, is the reason-a reason very dif-
French war against Spain, I took the liberty of ferent from fear-the reverse of a consciousness
adverting to this topic. I then stated that the of disability-why I dread the recurrence of
position of this country in the present state of hostilities in any part of Europe; why I would
the world was one of neutrality, not only be-bear much, and would forbear long; why I would
tween contending nations, but between conflict-
ing principles; and that it was by neutrality
alone that we could maintain that balance, the
preservation of which I believed to be essential
to the welfare of mankind. I then said, that I
feared that the next war which should be kin-
dled in Europe would be a war not so much of
armies as of opinions. Not four years have
elapsed, and behold my apprehension realized!
It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this
war of opinion is at present confined; but it is
a war of opinion that Spain (whether as govern-
ment or as nation) is now waging against Port-
ugal; it is a war which has commenced in ha-
tred of the new institutions of Portugal. How
long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will
abstain from retaliation? If into that war this
country shall be compelled to enter, we shall
enter into it with a sincere and anxious desire
to mitigate rather than exasperate-and to min-
gle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more
fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that
this country (however earnestly she may en-
deavor to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid
seeing ranked under her banners all the restless
and dissatisfied of any nation with which she
might come in conflict. It is the contemplation
of this new power in any future war which ex-
cites my most anxious apprehension. It is one
thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be
another to use it like a giant. The conscious-
ness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source
of confidence and security; but in the situation
in which this country stands, our business is not
to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to con-
tent ourselves with letting the professors of vio-
lent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides
feel, that it is not their interest to convert an
umpire into an adversary. The situation of En-
gland, amid the struggle of political opinions

I return, in conclusion, to the object of the Address. Let us fly to the aid of Portugal, by whomsoever attacked, because it is our duty to do so; and let us cease our interference where that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, not to dictate, not to prescribe constitutions, but to defend and to preserve the independence of an ally. We go to plant the standard of England on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall

not come.

The House gave an almost unanimous support to an Address approving of the measures adopted; and the insurrection was at once suppressed in every part of Portugal.

Mr. Canning gained very great and merited applause by this intervention in behalf of a constitutional government. His prediction that the next great war in Europe would be one of opinions, is yet to be accomplished; and events since the usurpation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at the close of 1851, seem clearly to indicate that such a contest may not be far remote.

Eolus sits upon his lofty tower

And holds the scepter, calming all their rage:
Else would they bear sea, earth, and heaven pro-
found

In rapid flight, and sweep them through the air.
Virgil's Encid, book i., lines 56-9.

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FOREIGN ENLISTMENT BILL.

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EXTRACT S.

APRIL 16, 1823. WHAT, Sir! is it to become a maxim with this country that she is ever to be a belligerent? Is she never, under any possible state of circumstances, to remain neutral ? If this proposition be good for any thing, it must run to this extent -that our position, insulated as it is from all the rest of the world, moves us so far from the scene of continental warfare, that we ought always to be belligerent that we are bound to counteract the designs of Providence, to reject the advantages of nature, and to render futile and erroneous the description of the poet, who has said, to our honor, that we were less prone to war and tumult, on account of our happy situation, than the neighboring nations that lie conterminous with one another. But wherefore this dread of a neutrality? If gentlemen look to the page of history, they will find that for centuries past, whenever there has been a war in Europe, we have almost always been belligerent. The fact is undoubtedly so; but I am not prepared to lay it down as a principle, that if, at the beginning of a war, we should happen to maintain a species of neutrality, it was an unnatural thing that we should do Gentlemen say that we must be drawn into a war, sooner or later. Why, then, I answer, let it be later. I say, if we are to be drawn into a war, let us be drawn into it on grounds clearly British. I do not say-God forbid I should-that it is no part of the duty of Great Britain to protect what is termed the balance of power, and to aid the weak against the insults of the strong. I say, on the contrary, that to do so is her bounden duty; but I affirm, also, that we must take care to do our duty to ourselves. The first condition of engaging in any war-the sine quâ non of every such undertaking-is, that the war must be just; the second, that being just in itself, we can also with justice engage in it; and the third, that being just in its nature, and it being possible for us justly to embark in it, we can so interfere without detriment or prejudice to ourselves. I contend that he is a visionary politician who leaves this last condition out of the question; and I say further, that though the glorious abandonment of it may sound well in the generous speech of an irresponsible orator-with the safety of a nation upon his lips, and none of the responsibility upon his shoulders-it is matter deeply to be considered; and that the minister who should lay it out of his view, in calling on the country to undertake a war, would well deserve that universal censure and reprobation with which the noble Lord opposite has this night menaced me. If it be wise for a government, though it can not prevent an actual explosion, to endeavor to circumscribe the limits, and to lessen the duration

of a war, then I say that the position we have taken in the present instance is of more probable efficacy than that in which we should have stood had we suffered ourselves to be drawn into a participation in the contest. Participation, did I say? Sir! is there any man who hears me—is there any man acquainted with the history of the country for the last twenty years, who does not know the way in which Great Britain has been accustomed to participate in a war? Do not gentlemen know that if we now enter into a war, we must take the whole burden of it upon ourselves, and conduct the whole force and exertions of the peninsula? But supposing such to be our course, how different must be our situation, as compared with former periods. When we last became the defenders of Spain, we fought for and with a united people. What would be the case at present? Any interference on our parts in favor of Spain must commence with an attempt to unite contending factions, and to stimulate men of opposite interests and opposite feelings to one grand and simultaneous effort. Now I do not hesitate to say that the man who would undertake to do this under present circumstances, must either be possessed of supernatural means of information, or of a hardihood which I may envy, but shall not attempt to imitate. I say that those men will not consult the true dignity of the country, who, finding fault with the part we have adopted, wish to indemnify themselves by endeavoring to make us perform that part amiss. Out course is neutrality—strict neutrality; and in the name of God, let us adhere to it. If you dislike that course-if you think it injurious to the honor or interests of the country-drive from their places those neutral ministers who have adopted it; but until you are prepared to declare war, you are bound to adhere to and to act upon the system which ministers have laid down.

I stated, a few evenings ago, that we could have no difficulty in the course which we had to pursue in observance of a strict neutrality. We have spent much time in teaching other powers the nature of a strict neutrality; and, generally speaking, we found them most reluctant scholars. All I now call upon the House to do, is to adopt the same course which it has recommended to neutral powers upon former occasions. If I wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should take that laid down by America in the days of the Presidency of Washington and the Secretaryship of Jefferson

ON THE KING'S SPEECH. FEBRUARY 15, 1825.

I Now turn to that other part of the honorable and learned gentleman's [Mr. Brougham] speech,

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