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at home.

vasion. Shall bodies of men, armed, clothed, and When I state this, it will be obvious to the regimented by Spain, carry fire and sword into House, that the vote for which I am in protecting the bosom of her unoffending neighbor, and shall about to call upon them, is a vote for your

gland does not it be pretended that no attack, no invasion has the defense of Portugal, not a vote for war on Spain. taken place, because, forsooth, these outrages are war against Spain. I beg the House to keep committed against Portugal by men to whom these two points entirely distinct in their conPortugal had given birth and nurture? What sideration. For the former I think I have said petty quibbling would it be to say, that an in- enough. If, in what I have now further to say, vasion of Portugal from Spain was not a Spanish I should bear hard upon the Spanish government, invasion, because Spain did not employ her own I beg that it may be observed that, unjustifiable troops, but hired mercenaries to effect her pur- as I shall show their conduct to have been—conpose? And what difference 's it, except as an trary to the law of nations, contrary to the law aggravation, that the mercenaries in this in- of good neighborhood, contrary, I might say, to stance were natives of Portugal.

the laws of God and man—with respect to PortI have already stated, and I now repeat, that ugal - still I do not mean to preclude a locus England will

it never has been the wish or the pre- pænitentiæ, a possibility of redress and reparanot interfere tension of the British government to in- tion. It is our duty to fly to the defense of PortPortuguese terfere in the internal concerns of the ugal, be the assailant who he may. And, be it

Portuguese nation. Questions of that remembered, that, in thus fulfilling the stipulakind the Portuguese nation must settle among tion of ancient treaties, of the existence and obthemselves. But if we were to admit that hordes ligation of which all the world are aware, we, of traitorous refugees from Portugal, with Span- according to the universally admitted construcish arms, or arms furnished or restored to them tion of the law of nations, neither make war upon by Spanish authorities, in their hands, might put that assailant, nor give to that assailant, much off their country for one purpose, and put it on less to any other power, just cause of war against again for another—put it off for the purpose of ourselves. attack, and put it on again for the purpose of im- Sir, the present situation of Portugal is so punity—if

, I say, we were to admit this juggle, anomalous, and the recent years of Pare Thisch and either pretend to be deceived by it ourselves, her history are crowded with events View of the por or attempt to deceive Portugal, into a belief that so unusual, that the House will, per- Portugal with there was nothing of external attack, nothing of haps, not think that I am unprofitably the duties of foreign hostility, in such a system of aggression wasting its time, if I take the liberty England. ---such pretense and attempt would, perhaps, be of calling its attention, shortly and succinctly, to only ridiculous and contemptible; if they did not those events, and to their influence on the politrequire a much more serious character from be- ical relations of Europe. It is known that the ing employed as an excuse for infidelity to an- consequence of the residence of the cient friendship, and as a pretext for getting rid King of Portugal in Brazil was to Brazil from of the positive stipulations of treaties.

raise the latter country from a coloThis, then, is the case which I lay before the nial to a metropolitan condition; and that, from But this is a House of Commons. Here is, on the the time when the King began to contemplate

one hand, an undoubted pledge of na- his return to Portugal, there grew up in Brazil

tional faith—not taken in a corner- a desire of independence that threatened dissennot kept secret between the parties, but publicly sion, if not something like civil contest, between recorded among the annals of history, in the face the European and American dominions of the of the world. Here are, on the other hand, un- house of Braganza. It is known, also, that Great deniable acts of foreign aggression, perpetrated, Britain undertook a mediation between Portugal indeed, principally through the instrumentality and Brazil, and induced the King to consent to a of domestic traitors, but supported with foreign separation of the two Crowns-confirming that means, instigated by foreign councils, and direct of Brazil on the head of his eldest son. The ed to foreign ends. Putting these facts and this ink with which this agreement was written was pledge together, it is impossible that his Majesty scarcely dry, when the unexpected death of the should refuse the call that has been made upon King of Portugal produced a new state of things, him; nor can Parliament, I am convinced, refuse which reunited on the same head the two Crowns. to enable his Majesty to fulfill his undoubted ob- which it had been the policy of England, as well ligations. I am willing to rest the whole ques- as of Portugal and of Brazil, to separate. On tion of to-night, and to call for the vote of the that occasion, Great Britain, and another EuroHouse of Commons upon this simple case, divest- pean court closely connected with Brazil, tened altogether of collateral circumstances; from dered advice to the Emperor of Brazil, now bewhich I especially wish to separate it, in the come King of Portugal, which advice it can not minds of those who hear me, and also in the be accurately said that his Imperial Majesty folminds of others, to whom what I now say will lowed, because he had decided for himself before find its way. If I were to sit down this mo- it reached Rio de Janeiro; but in conformity with ment, without adding another word, I have no which advice, though not in consequence of it, doubt but that I should have the concurrence of his Imperial Majesty determined to abdicate the the House in the address which I mean to pro- Crown of Portugal in favor of his eldest daughpose.

ter. But the Emperor of Brazil had done more.

Separation of


case of ag gression from abroad.

the latter.

This not done



What had not been foreseen—what would have | ready acceptance which it has met with from all A constitution. been beyond the province of any for orders of the Portuguese people. To that Condelet eign power to advise-his Imperial stitution, therefore, thus unquestioned in its ori

Majesty had accompanied his abdica- gin, even by those who are most jealous of new tion of the Crown of Portugal with the grant of institutions—to that Constitution, thus sanctioned a free constitutional charter for that kingdom. in its outset by the glad and grateful acclamaIt has been surmised that this measure, as well tions of those who are destined to live under it

as the abdication which it accompa- to that Constitution, founded on principles, in a eins materier nied, was the offspring of our advice. great degree, similar to those of our own, though

No such thing—Great Britain did not differently modified—it is impossible that Ensuggest this measure. It is not her duty nor glishmen should not wish well

. But it would her practice to offer suggestions for the internal not be for us to force that Constitution on the regulation of foreign states. She neither ap- people of Portugal, if they were unwilling to reproved nor disapproved of the grant of a consti- ceive it, or if any schism should exist among the tutional charter to Portugal : her opinion upon Portuguese themselves, as to its fitness and conthat grant was never required. True it is, that geniality to the wants and wishes of the nation. the instrument of the constitutional charter was It is no business of ours to fight its battles. We brought to Europe by a gentleman of high trust go to Portugal in the discharge of a sacred obliin the service of the British government. Sir C. gation, contracted under ancient and modern Stuart had gone to Brazil to negotiate the sepa- treaties. When there, nothing shall be done by ration between that country and Portugal. In us to enforce the establishment of the Constituaddition to his character of Plenipotentiary of tion; but we must take care that nothing shall Great Britain, as the mediating power, he had be done by others to prevent it from being fairly also been invested by the King of Portugal with carried into effect. Internally, let the Portuguese the character of his most faithful Majesty's Plen- settle their own affairs; but with respect to exipotentiary for the negotiation with Brazil. That ternal force, while Great Britain has an arm to negotiation had been brought to a happy conclu- raise, it must be raised against the efforts of any sion; and therewith the British part of Sir C. power that should attempt forcibly to control the Stuart's commission had terminated. But Sir C. choice, and fetter the independence of Portugal. Stuart was still resident at Rio de Janeiro, as the Has such been the intention of Spain? WhethPlenipotentiary of the King of Portugal, for nego- er the proceedings which have lately tiating commercial arrangements between Port- been practiced or permitted in Spain, medi in essuied ugal and Brazil. In this latter character it was were acts of a government exercising that Sir C. Stuart, on his return to Europe, was the usual power of prudence and foresight (withrequested by the Emperor of Brazil to be the out which a government is, for the good of the bearer to Portugal of the new constitutional char- people which live under it, no government at all), ter. His Majesty's government found no fault or whether they were the acts of some secret ilwith Sir C. Stuart for executing this commission; legitimate power-of some furious fanatical facbut it was immediately felt that if Sir C. Stuart tion, over-riding the counsels of the ostensible were allowed to remain at Lisbon, it might ap- government, defying it in the capital, and disopear, in the eyes of Europe, that England was beying it on the frontiers—I will not stop to in. the contriver and imposer of the Portuguese Con- quire. It is indifferent to Portugal, smarting onstitution. Sir C. Stuart was, therefore, directed der her wrongs—it is indifferent to England, who to return home forthwith, in order that the Con- is called upon to avonge them-whether the presstitution, if carried into effect there, might plain- ent state of things be the result of the intrigues ly appear to be adopted by the Portuguese na- of a faction, over which, if the Spanish goverstion itsell, not forced upon them by English in- ment has no control, it ought to assume one as terference.

soon as possible-or of local authorities, over As to the merits, sir, of the new Constitution whom it has control, and for whose acts it must, The inerits of of Portugal, I have neither the inten- therefore, be held responsible. It matters Doce

tion nor the right to offer any opinion. I say, from which of these sources the evil has the question. Personally, I may have formed one; arisen. In either case, Portugal must be probut as an English minister, all I have to say is, tected; and from England that protection is due. "May God prosper this attempt at the establish- It would be unjust, however, to the Spanish ment of constitutional liberty in Portugal ! and government, to say that it is only Free instalatons may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to among the members of that govern- receber cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often ment that an unconquerable hatred spanish propie. proved itself capable of discharging its duties of liberal institutions exists in Spain. However among the nations of the world!

incredible the phenomenon may appear in this I, sir, am neither the champion nor the critic country, I am persuaded that a vast majority of It is acknowl of the Portuguese Constitution. But the Spanish nation entertain a decided attachedged to be a it is admitted on all hands to have pro- ment to arbitrary power, and a predilection for and approved' ceeded from a legitimate source-a absolute government. The more liberal instito

consideration which has mainly recon- tions of countries in the neighborhood have not ciled continental Europe to its establishment; and yet extended their influence into Spain, nor awal. to us, as Englishmen, it is recommended by the ened any sympathy in the mass of the Spanish

from Spais

this govern ment not now

by the people.

Apparent perfi

of Spain.

war on ber.

people. Whether the public authorities of Spain of our advice, the Portuguese government waved did or did not partake of the national sentiment, its right under those treaties; very wisely rethere would almost necessarily grow up between flecting that it would be highly inconvenient to Portugal and Spain, under present circumstances, be placed by the return of their deserters in the an opposition of feelings which it would not re- difficult alternative of either granting a dangerquire the authority or the suggestions of the ous amnesty, or ordering numerous executions. government to excite and stimulate into action. The Portuguese government, therefore, signified Without blame, therefore, to the government of to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied is, inSpain-out of the natural antipathy between the stead of surrendering the deserters, Spain would two neighboring nations—the one prizing its re- restore their arms, horses, and equipments; and, cent freedom, the other hugging its traditionary separating the men from their officers, would reservitude-there might arise mutual provoca- move both from the frontiers into the interior of tions and reciprocal injuries which, perhaps, even Spain. Solemn engagements were entered into the most active and vigilant ministry could not by the Spanish government to this effect-first altogether restrain. I am inclined to believe with Portugal, next with France, and afterward that such has been, in part at least, the origin with England. Those engagements, concluded of the differences between Spain and Portugal. one day, were violated the next. The deserters, That in their progress they have been adopted, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were matured, methodized, combined, and brought into allowed to remain congregated together near the more perfect action, by some authority more frontiers of Portugal, where they were enrolled, united and more efficient than the mere feeling trained, and disciplined for the expedition which disseminated through the mass of the communi- they have since undertaken. It is plain that in ty, is certain ; but I do believe their origin to these proceedings there was perfidy have been as much in the real sentiment of the somewhere. It rests with the Span- dy on the pare Spanish population, as in the opinion or contriv- ish government to show that it was ance of the government itself.

not with them. It rests with the Spanish govWhether this be or be not the case, is pre- ernment to prove that, if its engagements have If the govern cisely the question between us and not been fulfilled—if its intentions have been has not acted in Spain. If, though partaking in the eluded and unexecuted—the fault has not been gland does not general feelings of the Spanish na- with the government, and that it is ready to make

tion, the Spanish government has, every reparation in its power. nevertheless, done nothing to embody those feel- I have said that these promises were made to ings, and to direct them hostilely against Portu. France and to Great Britain as well France and Engal; if all that has occurred on the frontiers as to Portugal. I should do a great noulted by her has occurred only because the vigilance of the injustice to France if I were not to conduct. Spanish government has been surprised, its con- add, that the representations of that government fidence betrayed, and its orders neglected—if its upon this point to the cabinet of Madrid, have engagements have been repeatedly and shame- been as urgent, and, alas! as fruitless, as those fully violated, not by its own good-will

, but of Great Britain. Upon the first irruption into against its recommendation and desire-let us the Portuguese territory, the French government see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs testified its displeasure by instantly recalling its of repentance, some measures indicative of sor- embassador; and it further directed its chargé row for the past, and of sincerity for the future. d'affaires to signify to his Catholic Majesty, In that case, his Majesty's message, to which I that Spain was not to look for any support from propose this night to return an answer of con- France against the consequences of this aggrescurrence, will retain the character which I have sion upon Portugal. I am bound, I repeat, in ascribed to it—that of a measure of defense for justice to the French government, to state, that Portugal, not a measure of resentment against it has exerted itself to the utmost in urging Spain Spain.

to retrace the steps which she has so unfortuWith these explanations and qualifications, let nately taken. It is not for me to say whether

us now proceed to the review of facts. any more efficient course might have been adopt

Great desertions took place from the ed to give effect to their exhortations; but as tween Portu. Portuguese army into Spain, and some to the sincerity and good faith of the exertions gal and Spain. desertions took place from the Spanish made by the government of France, to press army into Portugal. In the first instance, the Spain to the execution of her engagements, I Portuguese authorities were taken by surprise; have not the shadow of a doubt, and I confidentbut in every subsequent instance, where they ly reckon upon their continuance. had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it It will be for Spain, upon knowledge of the is but just to say that they uniformly discour- step now taken by bis Majesty, to consider in aged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery. what way she will meet it. The earnest hope There exist between Spain and Portugal spe- and wish of his Majesty's government is, that cific treaties, stipulating the mutual surrender she may meet it in such a manner as to avert of deserters. Portugal had, therefore, a right to any ill consequences to herself from the measclaim of Spain that every Portuguese deserter ure into which we have been driven by the un. should be forthwith sent back. I bardly know just attack upon Portugal. whether from its own impulse, or in consequence Sir, I set out with saying that there were rea


Facts as to existing dif ferences be

sons which entirely satisfied my judgment that which agitates more or less sensibly different Peroration: The nothing short of a point of national countries of the world, may be compared to that peut great in faith or national honor would justify, of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the one of opinions at the present moment, any volunta- poet: ry approximation to the possibility of war. Let “Celsâ sedet Æolas arce, me be understood, however, distinctly as not Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras ; meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause Ni faciat, maria ac terras cælumque profundum (and in no other may it be the lot of this country Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras." ever to engage !) from a distrust of the strength The consequence of letting loose the passions at of the country to commence it, or of her resour- present chained and confined, would be to proces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed—but upon duce a scene of desolation which no man can far other grounds : I dread it from an appre contemplate without horror; and I should not hension of the tremendous consequences which sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that might arise from any hostilities in which we I had contributed to precipitate it by a single might now be engaged. Some years ago, in moment. the discussion of the negotiations respecting the This, then, is the reason—a reason very difFrench war against Spain, I took the liberty of ferent from fear—the reverse of a consciousness adverting to this topic. I then stated that the of disability-why I dread the recurrence of position of this country in the present state of hostilities in any part of Europe ; why I would the world was one of neutrality, not only be bear much, and would forbear long; why I would tween contending nations, but between conflict-|(as I have said) put up with almost any thing that ing principles; and that it was by neutrality did not touch national faith and national honor, alone that we could maintain that balance, the rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash preservation of which I believed to be essential of which we hold in our hands—not knowing to the welfare of mankind. I then said, that I whom they may reach, or how far their ravages feared that the next war which should be kind may be carried. Such is the love of peace which dled in Europe would be a war not so much of the British government acknowledges; and such armies as of opinions. Not four years have the necessity for peace which the circumstances elapsed, and behold my apprehension realized! of the world inculcate. I will push these topics It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this no further. war of opinion is at present confined; but it is I return, in conclusion, to the object of the a war of opinion that Spain (whether as govern- Address. Let us fly to the aid of Portugal, by ment or as nation) is now waging against Port- whomsoever attacked, because it is our daty to ugal; it is a war which has commenced in ha- do so; and let us cease our interference where tred of the new institutions of Portugal. How that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will not to dictate, not to prescribe constitutions, but abstain from retaliation ? If into that war this to defend and to preserve the independence of an country shall be compelled to enter, we shall ally. We go to plant the standard of England enter into it with a sincere and anxious desire on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where to mitigate rather than exasperate—and to min- that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall gle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may en- The House gave an almost unanimous supdeavor to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid port to an Address approving of the measures seeing ranked under her banners all the restless adopted; and the insurrection was at once supand dissatisfied of any nation with which she pressed in every part of Portugal. might come in conflict. It is the contemplation Mr. Canning gained very great and merited of this new power in any future war which ex- applause by this intervention in behalf of a cencites my most anxious apprehension. It is one stitutional government. His prediction that the thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be next great war in Europe would be one of openanother to use it like a giant. The conscious-ions, is yet to be accomplished ; and events since ness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source the usurpation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at of confidence and security ; but in the situation the close of 1851, seem clearly to indicate that in which this country stands, our business is not such a contest may not be far remote. to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to con

TÆolus sits upon his lofty tower tent ourselves with letting the professors of vio

And holds the scepter, calming all their rage: lent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides

Else would they bear sea, earth, and heaven profeel, that it is not their interest to convert an found umpire into an adversary. The situation of En- In rapid flight, and sweep them through the air. gland, amid the struggle of political opinions

Virgil's Æneid, book i., lines 56-9.

not come.

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EXTRACTS. FOREIGN ENLISTMENT Bill. APRIL 16, 1823.1 of a war, then 1 say that the position we have

taken in the present instance is of more probable WHAT, sir! is it to become a maxim with this efficacy than that in which we should have stood country that she is ever to be a belligerent? Is had we suffered ourselves to be drawn into a parshe never, under any possible state of circum- ticipation in the contest. Participation, did I stances, to remain neutral ? If this proposition say? Sir! is there any man who hears me-is be good for any thing, it must run to this extent there any man acquainted with the history of the —that our position, insulated as it is from all the country for the last twenty years, who does not rest of the world, moves us so far from the scene know the way in which Great Britain has been of continental warfare, that we ought always to accustomed to participate in a war?

Do not be belligerent—that we are bound to counteract gentlemen know that if we now enter into a war, the designs of Providence, to reject the advanta- we must take the whole burden of it upon ourges of nature, and to render futile and erroneous selves, and conduct the whole force and exertions the description of the poet, who has said, to our of the peninsula ? But supposing such to be our honor, that we were less prone to war and tumult, course, how different must be our situation, as on account of our happy situation, than the neigh- compared with former periods. When we last boring nations that lie conterminous with one an- became the defenders of Spain, we fought for and other. But wherefore this dread of a neutrali- with a united people. What would be the case ty? If gentlemen look to the page of history, at present? Any interference on our parts in they will find that for centuries past, whenever favor of Spain must commence with an attempt there has been a war in Europe, we have almost to unite contending factions, and to stimulate men always been belligerent. The fact is undoubt- of opposite interests and opposite feelings to one edly so; but I am not prepared to lay it down as grand and simultaneous effort. Now I do not a principle, that is, at the beginning of a war, we hesitate to say that the man who would undershould happen to maintain a species of neutrali- take to do this under present circumstances, must ty, it was an unnatural thing that we should do either be possessed of supernatural means of in

Gentlemen say that we must be drawn into a formation, or of a hardihood which I may envy, war, sooner or later. Why, then, I answer, let it but shall not attempt to imitate. I say that those be later. I say, if we are to be drawn into a war, men will not consult the true dignity of the counlet us be drawn into it on grounds clearly Brit- try, who, finding fault with the part we have ish. I do not say—God forbid I should—that it adopted, wish to indemnify themselves by endeavis no part of the duty of Great Britain to protect oring to make us perform that part amiss. Out what is termed the balance of power, and to aid course is neutrality-strict neutrality; and in the the weak against the insults of the strong. I name of God, let us adhere to it. If you dislike say, on the contrary, that to do so is her bounden that course-if you think it injurious to the honduty; but I affirm, also, that we must take care or or interests of the country-drive from their to do our duty to ourselves. The first condition places those neutral ministers who have adopted of engaging in any war—the sine quâ non of ev- it; but until you are prepared to declare war, ery such undertaking—is, that the war must be you are bound to adhere to and to act upon the just; the second, that being just in itself, we can system which ministers have laid down. also with justice engage in it; and the third, that I stated, a few evenings ago, that we could have being just in its nature, and it being possible for no difficulty in the course which we had to pursue us justly to embark in it, we can so interfere in observance of a strict neutrality. We have without detriment or prejudice to ourselves. I spent much time in teaching other powers the contend that he is a visionary politician who nature of a strict neutrality; and, generally speakleaves this last condition out of the question; and ing, we found them most reluctant scholars. All I say further, that though the glorious abandon- I now call upon the House to do, is to adopt the ment of it may sound well in the generous speech same course which it has recommended to neuof an irresponsible orator--with the safety of a tral powers upon former occasions. If I wished nation upon his lips, and none of the responsibil- for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should ity upon his shoulders—it is matter deeply to be take that laid down by America in the days of considered ; and that the minister who should lay the Presidency of Washington and the Secretait out of his view, in calling on the country to ryship of Jefferson undertake a war, would well deserve that universal censure and reprobation with which the noble Lord opposite has this night menaced me. On the King's SPEECH. February 15, 1825. If it be wise for a government, though it can not prevent an actual explosion, to endeavor to cir- I now turn to that other part of the honorable cumscribe the limits, and to lessen the duration and learned gentleman's [Mr. Brougham) speech,

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