direction to the late action, whose wounds are yet | entable experience. It hath made an absolute bleeding, I mean the expedition to Rhé, of which there is yet so sad a memory in all men? What design for us, or advantage to our state, could that impart ? You know the wisdom of your ancestors, and the practice of their times, how they preserved their safeties. We all know, and have as much cause to doubt [i. e., distrust or guard against] as they had, the greatness and ambition of that kingdom, which the Old World could not satisfy.3 Against this greatness and ambition, we likewise know the proceedings of that princess, that never-to-be-forgotten, excellent Queen Elizabeth, whose name, without admiration, falls not into mention even with her enemies. You know how she advanced herself, and how she advanced the nation in glory and in state; how she depressed her enemies, and how she upheld her friends; how she enjoyed a full security, and made those our scorn who now are made our terror. Some of the principles she built on were these; and if I mistake, let reason and our statesmen contradict me. First, to maintain, in what she might, a unity in France, that the kingdom, being at peace within itself, might be a bulwark to keep back the power of Spain by land. breach between that state and us, and so entertains us against France, and France in preparation against us, that we have nothing to promise to our neighbors, nay, hardly to ourselves. Next, observe the time in which it was attempted, and you shall find it not only varying from those principles, but directly contrary and opposite to those ends; and such, as from the issue and success, rather might be thought a conception of Spain than begotten here with us. [Here there was an interruption made by Sir Humphrey May, Chancellor of the Duchy and of the Privy Council, expressing a dislike; but the House ordered Sir John Eliot to go on, whereupon he proceeded thus:] Mr. Speaker, I am sorry for this interruption, but much more sorry if there hath been occasion on my part. And, as I shall submit myself whol ly to your judgment, to receive what censure you may give me, if I have offended, so, in the integ rity of my intentions and the clearness of my thoughts, I must still retain this confidence, that no greatness shall deter me from the duties I owe to the service of my king and country; but that, with a true English heart, I shall discharge myself as faithfully and as really, to the extent of my poor power, as any man whose honors or whose offices most strictly oblige him. You know the dangers of Denmark, and how much they concern us; what in respect of our alliance and the country; what in the importance of the Sound; what an advantage to our enemies the gain thereof would be! What loss, what prejudice to us by this disunion; we break the Netherlands at amazement between both! Neither could we intend to aid that luckless king [Christian IV., of Denmark], whose loss is our disaster. Next, to preserve an amity and league between that state and us, that so we might come in aid of the Low Countries [Holland], and by that means receive their ships, and help them by sea. This triple cord, so working between France, the States [Holland], and England, might enable us, as occasion should require, to give assistance unto others. And by this means, as the experi-ing in upon France, France enraged by us, and ence of that time doth tell us, we were not only free from those fears that now possess and trouble us, but then our names were fearful to our enemies. See now what correspondency our action had with this. Try our conduct by these rules. It did induce, as a necessary consequence, a division in France between the Protestants and their king, of which there is too woful and lamProtestant Christendom was indignant at these wrongs; and the King of England was expected to sustain the injured Elector on the double ground of family alliance and a community of religion. These expectations had all been disappointed by the weak, indecisive, and fluctuating counsels of Buckingham. Twelve thousand English troops were indeed sent to assist Frederick, under Count Mansfeldt, but nearly all of them perished on the way, from mere want of foresight and preparation on the part of the English government. This wanton sacrifice of life is alluded to at the close of the speech in a single word -"Mansfeldt!"— -a name which at that time smote on the heart of the whole English nation. The expedition to the Isle of Rhé, mentioned in the next sentence, will be explained hereafter. 3 To understand the force and beauty of this allu sion to Spain, we must go back to the time when all Europe was filled with dismay at the power of the Spanish arms on both continents. Few things in English eloquence, as Forster remarks, are finer in expression or purpose, than this allusion and the subsequent train of thought, as addressed to English men of that day. Can those [the King's ministers] that express their trouble at the hearing of these things, and have so often told us in this place of their knowledge in the conjunctures and disjunctures of affairs-can they say they advised in this? Was this an act of council, Mr. Speaker? I have more 4 This refers to the expedition against the Isle of Rhé, respecting which see note 8. 5 Christian IV., King of Denmark, as a leading Protestant prince, and uncle to Elizabeth, wife of Frederick, the Elector Palatine, had entered warmly into their cause, and marched with a large army to reinstate them in the Palatinate. After some partial successes, however, he was repulsed by the Austrians, driven back into his own dominions, and reduced to imminent danger of being stripped of all his possessions. The English trade through the Sound into the Baltic, which was of great value, was thus on the point of being entirely cut off by the establishment of a hostile power on the ruins of Denmark. Yet England had done nothing to sustain her ally, or to protect her rights and interests in that quarter; and the English people were justly incensed against Buckingham for this neglect. Here, as above, allusion is made to the disgraceful expedition against the Isle of Rhé, by which France was enraged, and no diversion in favor of Denmark either made or intended. 1628.] PETITION OF RIGHT. charity than to think it; and unless they make confession of it themselves, I can not believe it. III. For the next, the insufficiency and unfaithfulness of our generals (that great disorder abroad), what shall I say? I wish there were not cause to mention it; and, but for the apprehension of the danger that is to come, if the like choice hereafter be not prevented, I could will But my duty to my sovereign, ingly be silent. my service to this House, and the safety and honor of my country, are above all respects; and what so nearly trenches to the prejudice of these, must not, shall not be forborne. At Cadiz, then, in that first expedition we made, when we arrived and found a conquest ready-the Spanish ships, I mean, fit for the satisfaction of a voyage, and of which some of the chiefest then there, themselves have since assured me, that the satisfaction would have been sufficient, either in point of honor or in point of profit-why was it neglected? Why was it not achieved, it being granted on all hands how feasible it was? 5 Was not trouble you much; only this, in short. take place of such as were of the council? If For the last voyage to Rochelle, there need no observations, it is so fresh in memory; nor will I make an inference or corollary on all. Your own knowledge shall judge what truth or what sufficiency they express. Afterward, when, with the destruction of some of our men and the exposure of others, who (though their fortune since has not been such), by chance, came off safe-when, I say, with the loss of our serviceable men, that unserviceable fort was gained, and the whole army landed, why was there nothing done? Why was there nothing attempted? If nothing was intended, wherefore did they land? If there was a service, whereIV. For the next, the ignorance and corrupfore were they shipped again? Mr. Speaker, it satisfies me too much [i. e., I am over-satisfied] tion of our ministers, where can you miss of inin this case-when I think of their dry and hun- stances? If you survey the court, if you survey gry march into that drunken quarter (for so the the country; if the church, if the city be examBut the Rochellers, having no previ soldiers termed it), which was the period [termous arrangement with him on the subject, and probination] of their journey-that divers of our men being left as a sacrifice to the enemy, that laborably distrusting his intentions, refused to admit him was at an end. For the next undertaking, at Rhé, I will not Buckingham, at the close of 1625, had fitted out a fleet of eighty sail, to intercept the Spanish treasare ships from America, to scour the coasts of Spain, and destroy the shipping in her ports. Owing to the atter incompetency of the commander, there was no concert or subordination in the fleet. The treasureships were not intercepted; but seven other large and rich Spanish ships, which would have repaid all the expenses of the expedition, were suffered to escape, when they might easily have been taken. At length a landing was effected in the neighborhood of Cadiz, and the paltry fort of Puntal was taken. The English soldiers broke open the wine-cellars of the country around, and became drunk and unmanageable; so that the Spanish troops, if they had known their condition, might easily have cut the whole army to pieces. Their commander, as the only course left him, retreated to the ships, leaving some hundreds of his men to perish under the knives of the enraged peasantry. Backingham, from motives of personal resentment against the French king, undertook, in June, 1627, to aid the Huguenots at Rochelle, who were in a state of open rebellion. He therefore sailed with a fleet of one hundred ships and seven thousand land forces, taking the command of the expedition himself, and expecting to be received with open arms. into the town, and advised him to take possession 9 This sneer at the generalship of Buckingham was keenly felt, and derived its peculiar force from sumed. He had also made himself ridiculous, and the lofty pretensions and high-sounding titles he aseven suspected of treachery, by his affectation of courtesy in the interchange of civilities with the French commanders. To this Eliot alludes with stinging effect in the remaining part of the sentence. ined; if you observe the bar, if the bench, if the ports, if the shipping, if the land, if the seas-all these will render you variety of proofs; and that in such measure and proportion as shows the greatness of our disease to be such that, if there be not some speedy application for remedy, our case is almost desperate. V. Mr. Speaker, I fear I have been too long in these particulars that are past, and am unwilling to offend you therefore in the rest I shall be shorter; and as to that which concerns the impoverishing of the King, no other arguments will I use than such as all men grant. The exchequer, you know, is empty, and the reputation thereof gone; the ancient lands are sold; the jewels pawned; the plate engaged;10 the debts still great; almost all charges, both ordinary and extraordinary, borne up by projects! What poverty can be greater? What necessity so great? What perfect English heart is not almost dissolved into sorrow for this truth? in the people, repletion in treasure, plenty of provisions, reparation of ships, preservation of men our ancient English virtue, I say, thus rectified, will secure us; and unless there be a speedy reformation in these, I know not what hopes or expectations we can have. These are the things, sir, I shall desire to have taken into consideration; that as we are the great council of the kingdom, and have the apprehension of these dangers, we may truly represent them unto the King; which I conceive we are bound to do by a triple obligation-of duty to God, of duty to his Majesty, and of duty to our country. And therefore I wish it may so stand with the wisdom and judgment of the House, that these things may be drawn into the body of a REMONSTRANCE, and in all humility expressed, with a prayer to his Majesty that, for the safety of himself, for the safety of the kingdom, and for the safety of religion, he will be pleased to give us time to make perfect inquisition thereof, or to take them into his own wisdom, and there give them such timely reformation as the necessity and justice of the case doth import. VI. For the oppression of the subject, which, as I remember, is the next particular I proposed, it needs no demonstration. The whole kingdom is a proof; and for the exhausting of our treasures, that very oppression speaks it. What waste And thus, sir, with a large affection and loyof our provisions, what consumption of our ships, alty to his Majesty, and with a firm duty and what destruction of our men there hath been; service to my country, I have suddenly (and it witness that expedition to Algiers"-witness may be with some disorder) expressed the weak that with Mansfeldt-witness that to Cadiz apprehensions I have; wherein if I have erred, I witness the next-witness that to Rhé-witness humbly crave your pardon, and so submit mythe last (I pray God we may never have more self to the censure of the House. such witnesses)-witness, likewise, the Palatinate-witness Denmark-witness the Turkswitness the Dunkirkers-WITNESS ALL! What losses we have sustained! How we are impaired in munitions, in ships, in men! It is beyond contradiction that we were never so much weakened, nor ever had less hope how to be restored. These, Mr. Speaker, are our dangers, these are they who do threaten us; and these are, like the Trojan horse, brought in cunningly to surprise us. In these do lurk the strongest of our enemies, ready to issue on us; and if we do not speedily expel them, these are the signs, these the invitations to others! These will so prepare their entrance, that we shall have no means left of refuge or defense; for if we have these enemies at home, how can we strive with those that are abroad? If we be free from these, no other can impeach us. Our ancient English virtue (like the old Spartan valor), cleared from these disorders our being in sincerity of religion and once made friends with heaven; having maturity of councils, sufficiency of generals, incorruption of officers, opulency in the King, liberty 10 Buckingham had taken the crown jewels and plate to Holland, and pawned them for £300,000. 11 Buckingham, some years before, had sent out an expedition for the capture of Algiers. It resulted in a total failure, and so incensed the Algerines, that the commerce of England suffered ten-fold loss in consequence; thirty-five ships, engaged in the Mediterranean trade, having been captured within a few months, and their crews sold for slaves. The King, finding, after the delivery of this speech, that he could no longer resist the demands of the Commons, gave his public assent to the Petition of Right, on the 7th of June, 1628. But he never forgave Sir John Eliot for his freedom of speech. At the expiration of nine months he dissolved Parliament, determining to rule from that time without their aid or interference; and, two days after, committed Sir John Eliot and other members to the Tower for words spoken during the sitting of Parliament. In this flagrant breach of privilege, and violation of the Petition of Right, he was sustained by servile courts; and Eliot, as "the greatest offender and ringleader," was sentenced to pay a fine of £2000, and be imprisoned in the Tower of London. After two years his health gave way under the rigor of his confinement. He then petitioned the King for a temporary release, that he might recover strength; but this was denied him, unless he made the most humbling concessions. He refused, and sunk, at last, under the weight of his sufferings, at the end of three years, in November, 1632, “the most illustrious confessor in the cause of liberty," says Hallam, "whom the times produced." One of his sons petitioned for liberty to remove his body to Cornwall for burial in his native soil, and received for answer these insulting words, written at the bottom of his petition: "Let him be buried in the parish where he died;" that is, in the Tower, the place of his imprisonment. No wonder that such a spirit brought Charles to the block! THE EARL OF STRAFFORD. THOMAS WENTWORTH, first Earl of Strafford, was descended from an ancient family in Yorkshire, and was born at the house of his maternal grandfather, in London, on the 13th of April, 1593. At St. John's College, Cambridge, where he received his education, he was distinguished not only for the strength and versatility of his genius, but for his unwearied efforts to improve his mind by the severest discipline, and especially to prepare himself for the duties of public life, as an orator and a statesman. The leading features of his character were strongly marked. He had an ardor of temperament, a fixedness of will, a native impetuosity of feeling, and a correspondent energy of action, which united to make him one of the most daring and determined men of the age. To those who rendered him the deference he expected, who were ready to co-operate in his plans or become subservient to his purposes, he was kind and liberal. But he was quick and resentful when his will was crossed; and even Clarendon admits that "he manifested a nature excessively imperious." He was trained from childhood, to a belief in those extravagant doctrines respecting the royal prerogative, which were so generally prevalent at that day. It was therefore natural that Wentworth, in entering on public life, should seek employment at Court. The King seems, from the first, to have regarded him with favor; but Buckingham, who was then in power, was secretly jealous and hostile. Hence he was treated at times with great confidence, and raised to important offices, and again stripped suddenly of his employments, and subjected to the most mortifying rebuffs. Under these circumstances, he came out for a time as a patriot," and joined the popular party. That he did so, however, only in opposition to Buckingham, as the most effectual means of putting down a rival-that there was no change in his principles, no real sympathy between him and the illustrious men who were resisting the tyranny of Charles, is obvious from his subsequent conduct, and from the whole tenor of his private correspondence, as afterward given to the world. But such was the strength of his passions, and the force of imagination (so characteristic of the highest class of orators) with which he could lay hold of, and for the time being, appropriate to himself, all the principles and feelings which became his new character, that he appeared to the world, and perhaps even to himself, to have become a genuine convert to the cause of popular liberty. In the Parliament of 1627-8, during the great discussion on the public grievances, he came forth in all his strength, "amid the delighted cheers of the House, and with a startling effect on the Court." After entering upon the subject with a calm and solemn tone befitting the greatness of the occasion, he rose in power as he advanced, until, when he came to speak of forced loans, and the billeting of soldiers upon families, he broke forth suddenly, with that kind of dramatic effect which he always studied, in a rapid and keen invective, which may be quoted as a specimen of his early eloquence. They have rent from us the light of our eyes! enforced companies of guests, worse than the ordinances of France! vitiated our wives and children before our eyes! brought the Crown to greater want than ever it was in, by anticipa 66 This is shown at large by Mr. Forster in his Life of Strafford, which forms part of Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia. ting the revenue! and can the shepherd be thus smitten, and the sheep not scattered? They have introduced a Privy Council, ravishing at once the spheres of all ancient government! imprisoning without bail or bond! They have taken from us -what shall I say y? Indeed, what have they left us? They have taken from us all means of supplying the King, and ingratiating ourselves with him, by tearing up the roots of all property; which if they be not seasonably set again into the ground by his Majesty's hand, we shall have, instead of beauty, baldness!" He next, in the boldest language, proposes his remedy. By one and the same thing hath the King and the people been hurt, and by the same must they be cured: to vindicate-What? New things? No! Our ancient, lawful, and vital liberties, by re-enforcing the ancient laws, made by our ancestors; by setting such a stamp upon them, that no licentious spirit shall dare hereafter to enter upon them. And shall we think this a way to break a Parliament ? No! our desires are modest and just. I speak truly for the interests of the King and the people. If we enjoy not these, it will be impossible to relieve him." Let no man," said he, in conclusion, "judge this way a break-neck' of Parliaments; but a way of honor to the King, nay, of profit; for, besides the supply we shall readily give him, suitable to his occasions, we give him our hearts—our hearts, Mr. Speaker; a gift that God calls for, and fit for a King." In the same spirit, he united with Eliot in urging forward the PETITION of Right; and when the Lords proposed an additional clause, that it was designed “to leave entire that sovereign power with which his Majesty is intrusted," he resisted its insertion, declaring, "If we admit of the addition, we leave the subject worse than we found him. These laws are not acquainted with 'Sovereign Power!' The Court were now thoroughly alarmed. But they knew the man. There is evidence from his own papers, that within ten days from this time, he was in negotiation with the speaker, Finch; and "almost before the burning words which have just been transcribed, had cooled from off the lips of the speaker, a transfer of his services to the Court was decided on." In a few days Parliament was prorogued; and shortly after, Sir Thomas Wentworth was created Baron Wentworth, and appointed a member of that same Privy Council which he had just before denounced, as "ravishing at once the spheres of all ancient government!" The death of Buckingham about a month after, placed him, in effect, at the head of affairs. He was made a Viscount, and Lord President of the North; and at a subsequent period, Lord Deputy, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Earl of Strafford. The twelve years that followed, during which Charles undertook to reign without the aid of Parliaments, were filled up with arbitrary exactions, destructive monopolies, illegal imprisonments, and inhuman corporal punishments, which Strafford was known to have recommended or approved; while his presidency in the North was marked by numerous acts of high-handed injustice, and his government of Ireland carried on with such violence and oppression as gave men warning," in the words of Clarendon, "how they trusted themselves in the territories where he commanded." 66 In 1640 Charles was compelled by his necessities to convene another Parliament. The day of retribution had at length arrived. The voice of three kingdoms called for vengeance on the author of their calamities; and not a man was found, except Charles and Laud, to justify or excuse his conduct. Even Digby, who sought only to save his life, speaks of Strafford, as "a name of hatred in the present age by his practices, and fit to be made a name of terror to future ages by his punishment." At the moment when, governed by his accustomed policy, he was preparing to Alluding to the threats of the Parliament being dissolved for their freedom of speech. |