SPEECH OF MR. PITT ON THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 2, 1792. INTRODUCTION. NUMEROUS petitions for the abolition of the African slave trade were presented to Parliament at the session of 1787-8. On the 9th of May, 1788, Mr. Pitt, acting for Mr. Wilberforce, who was confined by illness, moved that "the subject be taken up early the next session." This was accordingly done on the 19th of May, 1789, when Mr. Wilberforce laid open the enormities of this traffic in a speech of great compass and power. So conclusive were his statements, that Mr. Pitt was prepared to carry through the measure by an immediate vote; but yielded, at last, to a demand for the examination of witnesses in behalf of the slave merchants, remarking, however, that "he could by no means submit to the ultimate procrastination of so important a business." Every artifice was now used to protract the inquiry. The passions of the colonists were inflamed; the wealth and influence of the great commercial towns engaged in the trade, Liverpool, Bristol, &c., were arrayed against the measure; the revolution in St. Domingo, and the insurrection in Dominica, furnished plausible arguments to alarm the timid; the speedy depopulation of the West India Islands, with the loss of seventy millions sterling of property, was urged as the inevitable result; until the nation was staggered, and many well-wishers of the cause began to waver in their opinions. Some of Mr. Pitt's warmest supporters were of this number, and especially Mr. Dundas, with whom it was impossible for him to break, so that he felt himself no longer able to make it a ministerial question, or to insist on its being carried as a measure of the government. In the mean time, Mr. Wilberforce and his friends were not idle. Evidence of the most conclusive kind was collected from every quarter, and presented in so clear a light, as to relieve the public mind from the terrors which had been thrown around the subject, and to give a full exhibition of the unparalleled atrocities of the traffic, as then actually carried on. Early in 1792, five hundred and seventeen petitions against the slave trade were laid before Parlia ment; and on the 2d of April, Mr. Wilberforce made a motion, supported by an able speech, for its im mediate suppression. After a protracted debate, Mr. Dundas rose, and, declaring himself to be in favor of the ultimate extinction of the trade, pleaded for delay, insisting that the object aimed at by Mr. Wilberforce would be secured with far greater ease and certainty by a gradual than by an immediate abolition. Mr. Addington, the Speaker, followed him in the same strain. This called forth a reply from Mr. Pitt in the speech before us, being one of the ablest pieces of mingled argument and eloquence which he ever produced. He first took up the question of expediency, comparing the two schemes of gradual and immediate abolition; and while he put down Mr. Dundas and Mr. Addington completely on every point, he showed admirable tact in so doing it, as to leave no room for mortified feeling or personal resentment. He then proceeded to his main ground, that of right. "I now come to AFRICA! Why ought the slave trade to be abolished? Because it is incurable injustice. How much stronger, then, is the argument for immediate than for gradual abolition!" On this topic he put forth all his strength, exposing, in tones of lofty and indignant eloquence, the complicated enormities of a system which had made the shores of Africa for centuries a scene of cruelty and bloodshed, and brought infamy on the character of Christian nations engaged in this guilty traffic. Mr. Wilberforce says in his Journal, "Windham, who has no love for Pitt, tells me that Fox and Grey, with whom he walked home from this debate, agreed in thinking Pitt's speech one of the most extraordinary displays of eloquence they had ever heard. For the last twenty minutes he really seemed to be inspired.”—P. 111. SPEECH, &c. Ground nar tions, has, upon the whole, contracted the debate. MR. SPEAKER,-At this hour of the morning | though it has produced a variety of new sugges [four o'clock], I am afraid, sir, I am too much exhausted to enter so fully into the subject before the committee as I could wish; but if my bodily strength is in any degree equal to the task, I feel so strongly the magnitude of this question, that I am extremely earnest to deliver my sentiments, which I rise to do with more satisfaction, because I now look forward to the issue of this business with considerable hope of success. The debate has this night taken a turn which, I can not say that I quite agree with the right honorable gentleman over the way All agree that [Mr. Fox], for I am far from deplor- the trade must ing all that has been said by my two honorable friends [Mr. Dundas and Mr. Addington]. I rather rejoice that they have now brought be suppressed. this subject to a fair issue; that something, at least, is already gained, and that the question has taken altogether a new course this night. It is true, a difference of opinion has been stated, and has been urged with all the force of argument that could be given to it. But permit me to say that this difference has been urged upon principles very far removed from those which were maintained by the opponents of my honorable friend [Mr. Wilberforce], when he first brought forward his motion. There are very few of those who have spoken this night, who have not thought it their duty to declare their full and entire concurrence with my honorable friend in promoting the abolition of the slave trade as their ultimate object. However we may differ as to the time and manner of it, we are agreed in the abolition itself; and my honorable friends have expressed their agreement in this sentiment with that sensibility upon the subject, which humanity does most undoubtedly require. I do not, however, think they yet perceive what are the necessary consequences of their own concession, or follow up their own principles to their just conclusion. question simply one of time. The point now in dispute between us is a difThe present ference merely as to the period of time at which the abolition of the slave trade ought to take place. I therefore congratulate this House, the country, and the world, that this great point is gained. That we may now consider this trade as having received its condemnation; that its sentence is sealed; that this curse of mankind is seen by the House in its true light; and that the greatest stigma on our national character which ever yet existed is about to be removed; and, sir, which is still more important, that mankind, I trust, in general, are now likely to be delivered from the greatest practical evil that has ever afflicted the human race; from the severest and most extensive calamity recorded in the history of the world! ly by them. If they can show that their proposition of a gradual abolition is more likely than ours to secure the object which we have in view; that by proceeding gradually we shall arrive more speedily at our end, and attain it with more certainty, than by a direct vote immediately to abolish; if they can show to the satisfaction both of myself and the committee, that our proposition has more the appearance of a speedy abolition than the reality of it, undoubtedly they will in this case make a convert of me, and my honorable friend who moved the question. They will make a convert of every man among us who looks to this (which I trust we all do) as a question not to be determined by theoretical principles or enthusiastic feelings, but considers the practicability of the measure, aiming simply to effect his object in the shortest time, and in the surest possible manner. If, however, I shall be able to show that our measure proceeds more directly to its object, and secures it with more certainty, and within a less distant period; and that the slave trade will on our plan be abolished sooner than on theirs, may I not then hope that my right honorable friends will be as ready to adopt our proposition, as we should in the other case be willing to accede to theirs? Preliminary inquiry: Can abolition be immediate enforced? One of my right honorable friends has stated that an act passed here for the abolition of the slave trade would not secure its abolition. Now, sir, I should be glad to know why an act of the British Legislature, enforced by all those sanctions which we have undoubtedly the power and the right to apply, is not to be effectual; at least, as to every material purpose? Will not the executive power have the same appointment of the officers and the courts of judicature, by which all the causes relating to this subject must be tried, that it has in other cases? Will there not be the same system of law by which we now maintain a monopoly of commerce? If the same In proceeding to give my reasons for concur-law, sir, be applied to the prohibition of The laws Ground of ring with my honorable friend [Mr. Wil- the slave trade which is applied in the are certain ly strong discussion. berforce] in his motion, I shall necessa- case of other contraband commerce, enough. rily advert to those topics which my honorable with all the same means of the country to back friends near me [Dundas and Addington] have it, I am at a loss to know why the actual and touched upon, and which they stated to be their total abolition is not as likely to be effected in motives for preferring a gradual, and, in some this way, as by any plan or project of my hondegree, a distant abolition of the slave trade, to orable friends, for bringing about a gradual terthe more immediate and direct measure now mination of it.3 But my observation is extremeproposed to you. Beginning as I do, with de-ly fortified by what fell from my honorable friend claring that, in this respect, I differ completely from my right honorable friends near me, I do not, however, mean to say that I differ as to one observation which has been pressed rather strong It is one characteristic of Mr. Pitt to open a discussion by some striking remark of this kind-some difference between him and a preceding speaker, some distinction, &c., &c.-which gives him an opportunity to state his ground with great clearness, and to place the question on its true footing. This throws a light forward upon the entire course he has to traverse, and conduces greatly to that luminous exposition of a subject for which he was so much celebrated. who spoke last. He has told you, sir, that if you It is hardly necessary to remark how soon Mr. Pitt enters (as in these three sentences) on one of those amplifications by which he was accustomed to enforce his thoughts, presenting them in detail under different aspects upon which the mind might dwell. 3 Mr. Pitt was much accustomed to argue, as in these four sentences, by exhaustion-by taking all the suppositions belonging to the case, and deducing the result. The turn which he next gives to the argument, by making Mr. Addington testify against himself, is an instance of the extraordinary sagacity for which he was distinguished in sifting the arguments of others. Mr. Adding turned against | sexes has disproportion of the sexes. This, however, is a (3.) Abolition would remove one great source of mor tality, that will have patience with it for a few years, the slave trade must drop of itself, from ton's argument the increasing dearness of the comhimself. modity imported, and the increasing progress, on the other hand, of internal population. Is it true, then, that the importations are so expensive and disadvantageous already, that the internal population is even now becoming a cheaper resource? I ask, then, if you leave to the importer no means of importation but by smuggling, and if, besides all the present disadvantages, you load him with all the charges and hazards of the smuggler, by taking care that the laws against smuggling are in this case watchfully and rigorously enforced, is there any dan-ity, which turned the balance so as ger of any considerable supply of fresh slaves to make the deaths appear more nubeing poured into the islands through this chan- merous than the births, arose too from nel? And is there any real ground of fear, be- the imported Africans, who die in ex- among the im cause a few slaves may have been smuggled in traordinary numbers in the seasoning. ported negroes or out of the islands, that a bill will be useless If, therefore, the importation of negroes should and ineffectual on any such ground? The ques- cease, every one of the causes of mortality which tion under these circumstances will not bear a I have now stated would cease also; nor can I dispute. conceive any reason why the present number of laborers should not maintain itself in the West Indies, except it be from some artificial cause, some fault in the islands; such as the impolicy of their governors, or the cruelty of the managers and officers whom they employ. I will not reiterate all that I said at that time, or go through island by island. It is true there is a difference in the ceded islands; and I state them possibly to be, in some respects, an excepted case. But we are not now to enter into the subject of the mortality in clearing new lands. It is, sir, undoubtedly another question; the mortality here is ten-fold; neither is it to be considered as the carrying on, but as the setting on foot a slave trade for the purpose of peopling the colony; a measure which I think will not now be maintained. I therefore desire gentlemen to tell me fairly, whether the period they look to is not now arrived; whether, at this hour, the West Indies may not be declared to have actually attained a state in which they can maintain their population? And upon the answer I must necessarily receive, I think I could safely rest the whole of the question. I. Perhaps, however, my honorable friends may take up another ground, and say, Expediency. "It is true your measure would shut out further importations more immediately; but we do not mean to shut them out immediately. We think it right, on grounds of general expediency, that they should not be immediately shut out." Let us, therefore, now come to this question of the expediency of making the abolition distant and gradual, rather than immediate. The argument of expediency, in my opinion, like every other argument in this disquisition, will not justify the continuance of the slave trade for one unnecessary hour. Supposing it to be in our power, which I have shown it is, to enforce the prohibition from this present time, the expediency of doing it is to me so clear, that if I went on this principle alone, I should not feel a moment's hesitation. What is the argument Population of expediency stated on the other side? question. It is doubted whether the deaths and births in the islands are, as yet, so nearly equal as to insure the keeping up a sufficient stock of laborers. In answer to this, I took the liberty of mentioning in a former year what appeared to me to be the state of population at that time. My observations were taken from documents which we have reason to judge authentic, and which carried on the face of them the conclusions I then stated; they were the clear, simple, and obvious result of a careful examination which I made into this subject, and any gentleman who will take the same pains may arrive at the same degree of satisfaction. : dilemma on this subject set One honorable gentleman has rather ingeniously observed, that one or other of His opponents' these two assertions of ours must necessarily be false that either the side. population must be decreasing, which we deny, or, if the population is increasing, that the slaves must be perfectly well treated (this being the cause of such population), which we deny also. That the population is rather increasing than otherwise, and also that the general treatment is by no means so good as it ought to be, are both points which have been separately proved by different evidences; nor are these two points so entirely incompatible. The ill treatment must be very great, indeed, in order to diminish materially the population of any race of people. That it is not so extremely great as to do this, I will admit. I will even admit, if you please, that this charge may possibly have been some times exaggerated; and I certainly think that it applies less and less as we come nearer to the present times. 4 Dilemma on its author. interest to bet tion of their And here let me add, that in proportion as you increase the happiness of these They have ev unfortunate beings, you will undoubt-ery motive of edly increase in effect the quantity of ter the condi their labor also. Gentlemen talk of slaves. the diminution of the labor of the islands! I will venture to assert that, even if in consequence of the abolition there were to be some decrease in the number of hands, the quantity of work done, supposing the condition of the slaves to improve, would by no means diminish in the same proportion; perhaps would be far from di graded race the true feelings of men; if you take them out from among the order of brutes, and place them on a level with the rest of the human species, they will then work with that energy which is natural to men, and their labor will be productive, in a thousand ways, above what it has yet been; as the labor of a man is always more productive than that of a mere brute. But let us see how this contradiction of ours, as it is thought, really stands, and how turned back the explanation of it will completely settle our minds on the point in question. Do the slaves diminish in numbers? It can be nothing but ill treatment that causes the diminution. This ill treatment the abolition must and will restrain. In this case, therefore, we ought to vote for the abolition. On the other hand, do you choose to say that the slaves clear-minishing at all. For if you restore to this dely increase in numbers? Then you want no importations, and, in this case also, you may safely vote for the abolition. Or, if you choose to say, as the third and only other case which can be put, and which perhaps is the nearest to the truth, that the population is nearly stationary, and the treatment neither so bad nor so good as it might be; then surely, sir, it will not be denied that this, of all others, is, on each of the two grounds, the proper period for stopping farther supplies; for your population, which you own is already stationary, will thus be made undoubt edly to increase from the births, and the good treatment of your present slaves, which I am now supposing is but very moderate, will be necessarily improved also by the same measure of abolition. I say, therefore, that these propositions, contradictory as they may be represented, are in truth not at all inconsistent, but even come in aid of each other, and lead to a conclu sion that is decisive. And let it be always remembered that, in this branch of my argument, I have only in view the well-being of the West Indies, and do not now ground any thing on the African part of the question. the colonial gov. ernments. nished by the themselves. It generally happens that in every bad cause information arises out of the evidence This proved of its defenders themselves, which from facts furserves to expose in one part or other West Indians the weakness of their defense. It is the characteristic of such a cause, that if it be at all gone into, even by its own supporters, it is li able to be ruined by the contradictions in which those who maintain it are forever involved. that a slave The committee of the Privy Council of Great Britain sent over certain queries to the They testify, West India islands, with a view of elu- does twice the cidating the present subject; and they work when Inboring for himparticularly inquired whether the ne- self groes had any days or hours allotted to them in which they might work for themselves. The But, sir, I may carry these observations re-assemblies in their answers, with an air of great (4.) Any remain specting the islands much farther. satisfaction, state the labor of the slaves to be ing difficulties can and ought to It is within the power of the colo- moderate, and the West India system to be well be removed by nists, and it is then their indispensa- calculated to promote the domestic happiness of ble duty to apply themselves to the the slaves. They add, "that proprietors are not correction of those various abuses by which pop- compelled by law to allow their slaves any part ulation is restrained. The most important con- of the six working days of the week for themsequences may be expected to attend colonial selves, but that it is the general practice to alregulations for this purpose. With the improve-low them one afternoon in every week out of ment of internal population, the condition of ev-crop-time; which, with such hours as they choose ery negro will improve also; his liberty will to work on Sundays, is time amply sufficient for advance, or, at least, he will be approaching to their own purposes." Now, therefore, will the a state of liberty. Nor can you increase the negroes, or I may rather say, do the negroes happiness, or extend the freedom of the negro, work for their own emolument? I beg the comwithout adding in an equal degree to the safe-mittee's attention to this point. The Assembly ty of the islands, and of all their inhabitants. Thus, sir, in the place of slaves, who naturally have an interest directly opposite to that of their masters, and are therefore viewed by them with an eye of constant suspicion, you will create a body of valuable citizens and subjects, forming a part of the same community, having a common interest with their superiors in the security and prosperity of the whole. of Grenada proceeds to state-I have their own words for it, "that though the negroes are allowed the afternoons of only one day in every week, they will do as much work in that afternoon, when employed for their own benefit, as in the whole day when employed in their master's service." for Now, sir, I will desire you to burn all my calculations; to disbelieve, if you please, This a decisive every word I have said on the presenting their state of population; nay, I will admit, condition for the sake of argument, that the numbers are decreasing, and the productive labor at present insufficient for the cultivation of those countries; | soning. Writers well versed in this subject chase of new impoverish the have even advised that, in order to re- (4.) The pur When gentlemen are so nicely balancing the past and future means of cultivating the plantations, let me request them to put this argument into the scale; and the more they consider it, the more will they be satisfied that both the solidity of the principle which I have stated, and the fact which I have just quoted, in the very words of the Colonial Legislature, will bear me out in every inference I have drawn. I think they will perceive, also, that it is the undeniable duty of this House, on the grounds of true policy, immediately to sanction and carry into effect that sys-negroes in the island. A North American provtem which insures these important advantages; in addition to all those other inestimable blessings which follow in their train. We are told, and by respectable and well-inOther consider formed persons, that the purchase of new negroes has been injurious in ations leading to the same conclusion. ince, by this prohibition alone for a few years, from being deeply plunged in debt, has become independent, rich, and flourishing." On this authority of Mr. Long I rest the question, whether the prohibition of further importations is that rash, impolitic, and completely ruinous measure, which it is so confidently declared to be with respect to our West India plantations. Indemnification not refused, but be clearly made the case must out. I do not, however, mean, in thus treating this branch of the subject, absolutely to exclude the question of indemnification on the supposition of possible disadvantages affecting the West Indies through the abolition of the slave trade. But when gentlemen set up a claim of compensation merely on those general allegations, which are all that I have yet heard from them, I can only answer, let them produce their case in a distinct and specific form; and if upon any practicable or reasonable grounds it shall claim consideration, it will then be time enough for Parliament to decide upon it. I now come to another circumstance of great stead of profitable to the planters weight, connected with this part of the question. themselves; so large a proportion of these un- I mean the danger to which the islands are exhappy wretches being found to perish in the sea-posed from those negroes who are newly im |