Page images
PDF
EPUB

be considered in its probable effects upon the principles of the members of this House, or the manners of the people at large; more especially when a reflection that Orientalists are in general the most exemplary class of people in their morals, and in their deportment the most moderate, and corresponding with the distinction of their high birth and family, furnishes a very reasonable presumption that the expenditure of their money will be much about as honorable as its acquirement.27

I shall now, sir, conclude my speech with a few words upon the opinion of the right honorable gentleman [Mr. Pitt]. He says "he will stake his character upon the danger of this bill." I meet him in his own phrase, and oppose him, character to character. I risk my all upon the excellence of this bill. I risk upon it whatever is most dear to me, whatever men most value, the character of integrity, of talents, of honor,

These,

of present reputation and future fame.
and whatever else is precious to me, I stake upon
the constitutional safety, the enlarged policy, the
equity, and the wisdom of this measure; and
have no fear in saying (whatever may be the
fate of its authors) that this bill will produce to
this country every blessing of commerce and
revenue; and that by extending a generous and
humane government over those millions whom
the inscrutable destinations of Providence have
placed under us in the remotest regions of the
earth, it will consecrate the name of England
among the noblest of nations.

The vote was carried by a majority of 217 to 103. But when the bill reached the House of Lords, it was met and defeated by the influence of the King, as already mentioned in the sketch of Mr. Fox's life.

SPEECH

OF MR. FOX ON THE USE OF SECRET INFLUENCE TO DEFEAT HIS EAST INDIA BILL, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DECEMBER 17, 1783.

INTRODUCTION.

On the ninth of December, 1783, when Mr. Fox's East India Bill went up to the House of Lords, the ministry supposed themselves to possess the fullest evidence that it would pass that body by a decided majority. Within three days, however, rumors were in circulation of some extraordinary movements in the interior of the Court. It was affirmed that Lord Temple was closeted with the King on the eleventh, and that his Majesty had intrusted him with a message of some kind, expressing a strong disapprobation of the bill; which message his Lordship and others were circulating among the peers, and especially among the Lords of the Bedchamber and other members of the royal household who were more immediately connected with the King's person. On the fifteenth, the Duke of Portland, as head of the ministry, alluded to these rumors in the House of Lords. Lord Temple admitted that the interview referred to had taken place, but would neither acknowledge nor deny any thing farther touching the reports in question. It was evident, however, that a powerful impression had been made. Some peers who had given their proxies to the minister or his friends, withdrew them only a few hours before the time appointed for the second reading of the bill; and a letter was at length placed in the hands of the ministry, containing the message of the King which had produced these unexpected results. The substance of this letter is given in the speech below.

In view of these facts, before the bill had been decided upon by the Lords, Mr. Baker moved a resolution in the House of Commons, that "it is now necessary to declare, that to report any opinion or pretended opinion of his Majesty upon any bill or other proceeding depending in either House of Parliament, is a high crime and misdemeanor, derogatory to the honor of the Crown, a breach of the fundamental privileges of Parliament, and subversive of the Constitution of this country." In his remarks on the subject, Mr. Baker divided the criminality into two parts; first, the giving of secret advice to his Majesty; and, secondly, the use that had been made of the King's name for the purpose of influencing the votes of members of Parliament in a matter depending before them. He proved from the journals, that "any reference to the opinions of the King touching a bill before either House had always been judged a high breach of the privileges of Parliament." The motion was seconded by Lord Maitland, and was vehemently opposed by Mr. Pitt, who was a near relative of Lord Temple. Mr. Fox then delivered the following speech, in which he gave full vent to his indignation at the injustice done to ministers and the wound inflicted upon the Constitution by this interference.

SPEECH, &c.'

I did not intend, sir, to have said any thing in addition to that which has been already urged so ably in favor of the resolution now agitated. In 27 The adventurers to India, here called Oriental ists, such as Paul Benfield, &c., were in most instances persons of no family, and of little worth or education. Hence the sneering terms here used.

my own opinion, its propriety and necessity are completely and substantially established. A few particulars, suggested in the course of the debate by gentlemen on the other side of the House,

This speech has been slightly abridged by omitting a few passages in which the ideas were unnecessarily expanded.

Earl [Lord Temple] is said to have used the name of Majesty with the obvious and express intention of affecting the decisions of the Legislature concerning a bill, of infinite consequence to thirty millions of people, pending in Parliament. I tell gentlemen this is not a newspaper surmise, but something much stronger and more serious; there is a written record to be produced. This

may be thought, however, to merit some animad- | mon way, and by no inferior agents. A noble version. And, once for all, let no man complain cf strong language. Things are now arrived at such a crisis as renders it impossible to speak without warmth. Delicacy and reserve are criminal where the interests of Englishmen are at hazThe various points in dispute strike to the heart; and it were unmanly and pusillanimous to wrap up in smooth and deceitful colors objects which, in their nature and consequences, are cal-letter [pulling it out of his pocket] is not to be put culated to fill the House and the country with a mixture of indignation and horror.

ard.

This, at least, has made such an impression on Greatness of my mind, that I never felt so much anxthe interests iety; I never addressed this House un

in the balance with the lie of the day. It states, that "his Majesty allowed Earl Temple to say, that whoever voted for the India Bill were not only not his friends, but he should consider them as his enemies; and if these words were not

involved. der such a pressure of impending mis-strong enough, Earl Temple might use whatever

words he might deem stronger, or more to the purpose." Is this parliamentary, or is it truth? Where is the man who dares to affirm the one or deny the other; or to say that he believes in his conscience such a rumor was not calculated to produce an immediate effect? It certainly tended, in the first instance, to vilify, in the grossest and most violent manner, the proceedings of Parliament. It says to the public, that we are not equal to our trust; that we either ignorantly or willfully betray the interest of our constituents; and that we are not to be guided in our decisions by their convictions or our own, but by that unseen and mysterious authority of which the Sov

chief; I never trembled so much for public liberty as I now do. The question before the House involves the rights of Parliament in all their consequences and extent. These rights are the basis of our Constitution, and form the spirit of whatever discriminates the government of a free country. And have not these been threatened and assaulted? Can they exist a moment in opposition to such an interference as that which is supposed by the resolution, and has been stated by several honorable gentlemen to have taken place? No: human nature is not sufficiently perfect to resist the weight of such a temptation. When, therefore, shall the House assert its dignity, its independence, its prerogatives, by a resolute and un-ereign, his counselors, and the Legislature, are equivocal declaration of all its legal and constitutional powers, but in the instant of their danger? The disease, sir, is come to a crisis; and now is the juncture which destines the patient to live or die. We are called to sanctify or oppose an absolute extinction of all for which our ancestors struggled and expired. We are called to protect and defend, not only the stipulated franchises of Englishmen, but the sacred privileges of human nature. We are called to protract the ruin of the Constitution. The deliberations of this night must decide whether we are to be free men or slaves; whether the House of Commons be the palladium of liberty or the organ of despotism; whether we are henceforth to possess a voice of our own, or to be only the mechanical echo of secret influence. Is there an individual who feels for his own honor, callous to an appre-spirit and without freedom, instead of limiting, hension of such a consequence as this? Does not every regard which he owes to a body that can not be degraded without his disgrace, that can not expire without involving his fate, rouse his indignation, and excite him to every exertion, both in his individual and delegated capacity, which can reprobate, suspend, or destroy a practice so inimical to public prosperity, as well as hostile to the very existence of this House?

only the blind and passive instruments. Both Houses of Parliament are, consequently, parties in the contest, and reduced, by this unfortunate and wicked device, to the predicament of a man struggling for his life. We are robbed of our rights, with a menace of immediate destruction before our face. From this moment, farewell to every independent measure! Whenever the liberties of the people, the rights of private property, or the still more sacred and invaluable privileges of personal safety, invaded, violated, or in danger, are vindicated by this House, where alone they can be legally and effectually redressed, the hopes of the public, anxious, eager, and panting for the issue, are whispered away, and forever suppressed by the breath of secret influence. A Parliament thus fettered and controlled, without

extends, substantiates, and establishes, beyond all precedent, latitude, or condition, the prerogatives of the Crown. But, though the British House of Commons were so shamefully lost to its own weight in the Constitution, were so unmindful of its former struggles and triumphs in the great cause of liberty and mankind, were so indifferent and treacherous to those primary objects and concerns for which it was originally instituted, I But what is this resolution? It has been trust the characteristic spirit of this country is Fact of in- called, with great technical acuteness, still equal to the trial; I trust Englishmen will terference. a truism, which seems as incapable of be as jealous of secret influence as superior to discussion as it is of proof. The foundation of open violence; I trust they are not more ready it, however, is a matter of such general and pal- to defend their interests against foreign depredapable notoriety, as to put every degree of skep-tion and insult than to encounter and defeat this ticism to defiance. Rumors of a most extraor- midnight conspiracy against the Constitution. dinary nature have been disseminated in no com- The proposition of this evening is, therefore,

founded on a fact the most extraordinary and such magnitude as it does. But let us consider Greatness alarming this country could possibly the nature of the business which it is intended of the evil. hear; a fact which strikes at the great to impede or suppress. For nearly twenty years bulwark of our liberties, and goes to an absolute have the affairs of the East India Company, more annihilation, not only of our chartered rights, or less, occasionally engrossed the attention of but of those radical and fundamental ones which Parliament. Committees of this House, comare paramount to all charters, which were con- posed of the most able, industrious, and upright signed to our care by the sovereign disposition characters, have sat long, indefatigably, and asof Nature, which we can not relinquish without siduously, in calling forth, arranging, digesting, violating the most sacred of all obligations; to and applying every species of evidence which which we are entitled, not as members of socie- could be found. Reports of their honest and ty, but as individuals and as men; the rights of elaborate conduct are before the House. adhering steadily and uniformly to the great and public feel the pressure of this monstrous and supreme laws of conscience and duty; of prefer- multifarious object. Gentlemen in opposition ring, at all hazards, and without equivocation, were, at least, not insensible to its necessity, its those general and substantial interests which we urgency, and its importance. A right honorahave sworn to prefer; of acquitting ourselves ble gentleman [Mr. W. Pitt], who has distinhonorably to our constituents, to our friends, to guished himself so much upon this occasion, proour own minds, and to that public whose trust-tested very solemnly against all palliatives, exees we are and for whom we act.

Conduct of

friends when challenged to deny it.

How often shall the friends of the noble Earl whom I have named be called upon to Lord Temple's negative the proposition, by vouching for him his innocence of the charge? Will any of them lay their hand on their heart, and disavow the fact in that nobleman's name? Let them fairly, honorably, and decidedly put an end to that foul imputation which rests on his conduct, and the House must immediately dismiss the report as idle and ill founded. But, while no man comes honestly forward and takes truth by the hand, we must look to the consequence. This House must not lose sight of its rights and those of the community. The latter can subsist no longer than the former are safe. We now deliberate on the life and blood of the Constitution. Give up this point, and we seal our own quietus, and are accessory to our own insignificance or destruction.

Conduct of

himself ia

Lords.

But how is the question, thus unsuccessfully put to the friends and abettors of seLord Temple cret influence in this, answered, when the House of put to the noble principal in the other House? Is he ready and eager to vindicate his own character, and rescue that of his Sovereign from so foul a reproach? No; but he replies in that mean, insidious, equivocal, and temporizing language, which tends to preserve the effect without boldly and manfully abiding by the consequences of the guilt. Such was the answer, as mysterious and ill-designed as the delinquency it was intended to conceal; and the man only, who could stoop to the baseness of the one, was the most likely in the world to screen himself behind the duplicity of the other. What, then, shall we infer from a system of acting and speaking thus guarded and fallacious, but that the device was formed to operate on certain minds, as it is rumored to have done; and that such a shallow and barefaced pretext could influence those only who, without honor or consistency, are endowed with congenial understandings! Had this alarming and unconstitutional interference happened in matters of no conImportance of the bill in sequence, or but of inferior consequence, question. the evil would not have appeared of

The

pedients, or any abortive substitutes for radical and complete measures. To meet that right honorable gentleman's idea, as well as to suit the exigence of the case, the present bill was brought in. It has been called a rash, inconsiderate, and violent measure. The House is aware what discussion it has occasioned; and I dare any one to mention a single argument brought against it which has not been candidly and fairly tried, not by the weight of a majority, but by the force of plain and explicit reasoning. No bil was more violently and systematically opposed, investigated at greater length, or with more ability; passed the House under the sanction of a more respectable and independent majority or had more the countenance and patronage of the country at large. How, then, did it succeed in the other House? What was the reception which, thus circumstanced, it received from their Lordships? Some degree of decency might have been expected from one branch of the Legislature to another. That respectable independence which ought to be the leading feature in their decisions is not incompatible with, but essential to such a mutual deference for the procedure of each, as must be the consequence of acting constitutionally. The bill, however, though matured and debated by all the abilities of this House, though urged by the most powerful of all arguments, necessity, and though recommended by almost two to one on every division it occasioned, will, in all probability, be lost.

which it

is to be

But, sir, I beseech the House to attend to the manner in which it is likely to meet Means by such a fate. Is this to be effected by the voice of an independent majority? defeated. Can any man view the Lords of the Bedchamber in that respectable light? and the whole fortune of the measure now depends on their determination. The rumor, so often stated and

In the year 1781 two committees of the House of Commons, one a select and the other a secret committee, were appointed to inquire into the af fairs of the East India Company, both at home and abroad. The reports of the select committee were twelve, and those of the secret committee six in number.

come from its real enemies, but its false friends; and its fate, without example in the annals of this House, will be handed down to the remotest posterity, not as a trophy of victory, but as a badge of treachery.

Fox.

Here, sir, the right honorable gentleman [Mr. Pitt], with his usual liberality, up- The real am braids me with monopolizing, not only bition of Mr. all the influence of the Crown, the patronage of India, and the principles of Whigism, but the whole of the royal confidence; but all such round, unqualified, and unfounded imputations must be contemptible, because they are not true; and the bitterest enemy, not lost to every sense of manliness, would scorn to become an accuser on grounds so palpably false. It is, indeed, as it has always been, my only ambition to act such a part in my public conduct as shall eventually give the lie to every species of suspicion which those who oppose me seem so anxious to create and circulate; and if to compass that by every possible exertion from which no man in the sound exercise of his understanding can honestly dissent, be a crime, I plead guilty to the charge. This I am not ashamed to avow the predominating passion of my life; and I will cherish it in spite of calumny, declamation, and intrigue, at the risk of all I value most in the world.

alluded to, was calculated and intended to an- | have broken that faith, and relinquished their swer an immediate and important end. I am own judgments, in consequence of a rumor that far from saying that it ought. Those in high such a conduct would be personally resented by office and of elevated rank should prove them- the Sovereign. What bill, in the history of Parselves possessed of high and elevated sentiments; liament, was ever so traduced, so foully misrep should join to an exquisite sense of personal hon-resented and betrayed in its passage through or the most perfect probity of heart; should dis- the different branches of the Legislature? The cover as much dignity and strength of under-stroke which must decide the contest can not standing as may be naturally expected from a superior education, the distinctions of fortune, and the example of the great and the wise. But how does this description agree with their mode of managing their proxies? These they cordially give in [to the ministry] before a rumor of the King's displeasure reaches their ears. The moment this intimation is made, on the same day, and within a few hours, matters appear to them in quite a different light, and the opinion which they embrace in the morning is renounced at noon. I am as ready as any man to allow, what is barely probable, that these Lords might receive new convictions, which, like a miracle, operated effectually and at once; and that, notwithstanding their proxies, from such a sudden and extraordinary circumstance, without hearing any debate or evidence on the subject, they might feel an immediate and unaccountable impulse to make their personal appearance, and vote according to their consciences. Who would choose to say that all this may not actually have been the case? There is certainly, however, a very uncommon coincidence in their Lordship's peculiar situation, and this unexpected revolution of sentiment; and, were I disposed to treat the matter seriously, the whole compass of language affords no terms sufficiently strong and pointed to mark the contempt which I feel for their conduct. It is an impudent avowal of political profligacy; as if that species of treachery were less infamous than any other. It is not merely a degradation of a station which ought to be occupied only by the highest and most exemplary honor, but forfeits their claim to the characters of gentlemen, and reduces them to a level with the meanest and the basest of the species; it insults the noble, the ancient, and the characteristic independence of the English peerage, and is calculated to traduce and vilify the British Legislature in the eyes of all Europe and to the latest posterity. By what magic nobility can thus charm vice into virtue I know not, nor wishful qualities. The sentence I allude to I have to know; but in any other thing than politics, and among any other men than Lords of the Bedchamber, such an instance of the grossest perfidy would, as it well deserves, be branded with infamy and execration.

[blocks in formation]

the King.

But, sir, in this monopoly of influence, the Lords of the Bedchamber ought, at least, Lords in for the sake of decency, to have been waiting on excepted. These, we all know, are constantly at the beck of whoever is minister of the day. How often have they not been stigmatized with the name of the household troops, who, like the Prætorian bands of ancient Rome,3 are always prepared for the ready execution of every secret mandate! I remember a saying of an able statesman, whom, though I differed with him in many things, I have ever acknowledged to be possessed of many eminent and use

always admired for its boldness and propriety. It was uttered by the late George Grenville in experiencing a similar treachery; and would to God the same independent and manly sentiments had been inherited by all who bear the name! "I will never again," said he, "be at the head

[ocr errors][merged small]

of a string of janizaries, who are always ready | as sound a judge of the practice as of the theory to strangle or dispatch me on the least signal."

Kind of influ

Where, sir, is that undue, that unconstitutional influence with which the right honence sought orable gentleman upbraids me and by Mr. Fox. those with whom I act? Are our measures supported by any other means than ministers have usually employed? In what, then, am I the "champion of influence ?" Of the influence of sound and substantial policy, of open, minute, and laborious discussion, of the most respectable Whig interest in the kingdom, of an honorable majority in this House, of public confidence and public responsibility, I am proud to avail myself, and happy to think no man can bar my claim. But every sort of influence unknown to the Constitution, as base in itself as it is treacherous in its consequences, which is always successful because incapable of opposition, nor ever successful but when exerted in the dark, which, like every other monster of factious breed, never stalks abroad but in the absence of public principle, never assumes any other shape than a whisper, and never frequents any more public place of resort than the back stairs or closet at St. James's-all this secret, intriguing, and underhand influence I am willing and ready to forego. I will not even be the minister of a great and free people on any condition derogatory to my honor and independence as a private gentleman. Let those who have no other object than place have it, and hold it by the only tenure worthy of their acceptance, secret influence; but without the confidence of this House, as well as that of the sovereign, however necessary to my circumstances, and desirable to my friends, the dignity and emoluments of office shall never be mine.

defender of

ence.

The task, therefore, the gentleman has asMr. Pitt the signed me, of being the champion of insecret influ fluence, belongs more properly to himself, who has this night stood forward in defense of a practice which can not be indulged for a moment but at the imminent risk of every thing great and valuable which our Constitution secures. With what consistency he embarks in a cause so hostile and ominous to the rights and wishes of Englishmen, those who have known his connections and observed his professions will judge. Let him not, then, in the paroxysm of party zeal, put a construction on my conduct which it will not bear, or endeavor to stamp it with the impression of his own. For that influence which the Constitution has wisely assigned to the different branches of the Legislature, I ever have contended, and, I trust, ever shall. That of the Crown, kept within its legal boundaries, is essential to the practice of government; but woe to this country the moment its operations are not as public and notorious as they are sensible and effective! A great writer has said that the English Constitution will perish when the legislative becomes more corrupt than the executive power. Had he been

Montesquieu.-Esprit des Lois, liv. xi., ch. 6.

of government, he might have added, with still greater truth, that we shall certainly lose our liberty when the deliberations of Parliament are decided, not by the legal and usual, but by the illegal and extraordinary exertions of prerogative.

prerogative

The right honorable gentleman declares that if the King is thus prevented from con- Secret infinsulting his peers, who are constitution-ence not the ally styled the ancient and hereditary of the Lords. counselors of the Crown, or any other of his subjects, whenever he is pleased to call for it, he would be a captive on his throne, and the first slave in his own dominions. Does he, then, affect to think or allege that it is the desire of ministers to proscribe all social intercourse between his Majesty and his subjects? I will tell the right honorable gentleman thus far his argument goes, and that is something worse than puerility and declamation; it is disguising truth under such colors as are calculated to render it odious and detestable. The Lords are undoubtedly entitled to advise the throne collectively; but this does not surely entitle every noble individual to take his Majesty aside, and, by a shocking farrago of fiction and fear, poison the royal mind with all their own monstrous chimeras! Whoever knows the mode of digesting business in the cabinet must be sensible that the least interference with any thing pending in Parliament must be dangerous to the Constitution. The question is not, whether his Majesty shall avail himself of such advice as no one readily avows, but who is answerable for such advice? Is the right honorable gentleman aware that the responsibility of ministers is the only pledge and security the people of England possess against the infinite abuses so natural to the exercise of this power? Once remove this great bulwark of the Constitution, and we are in every respect the slaves and property of despotism. And is not this the necessary consequence of secret influence ?

on ministers.

Yes, they

How, sir, are ministers situated on this ground? Do they not come into power with a Effect of sehalter about their necks, by which the cret influence most contemptible wretch in the kingdom may dispatch them at pleasure? hold their several offices, not at the option of the sovereign, but of the very reptiles who burrow under the throne. They act the part of puppets, and are answerable for all the folly, the ignorance, and the temerity or timidity, of some unknown juggler behind the screen; they are not once allowed to consult their own, but to pay an implicit homage to the understandings of those whom to know were to despise. The only rule by which they are destined to extend authority over free men is a secret mandate which carries along with it no other alternative than obedience-or ruin! What man, who has the feelings, the honor, the spirit, or the heart of a man, would stoop to such a condition for any official dignity or emolument whatever? Boys, without judgment, experience of the sentiments suggested by the knowledge of the world, or the amiable decencies of a sound mind, may follow

« PreviousContinue »