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itudes of life, rendered him the center of a very jousy, too much innocence to provoke any enmigreat and unparalleled variety of agreeable so- ty. The loss of no man of his time can be felt cieties, which will be dissipated by his death. with more sincere, general, and unmixed sorrow. He had too much merit not to excite some jeal- HAIL AND FAREWELL!
DETACHED SENTIMENTS AND MAXIM S.' Never was there a jar or discord between gen-| the existing materials of his country. A dispouine sentiment and sound policy. Never, no, sition to preserve, and an ability to improve, taken never, did nature say one thing and wisdom say together, would be my standard of a statesman. another.
Every thing else is vulgar in the conception, The meditations of the closet have infected perilous in the execution. senates with a subtle frenzy, and inflamed arm- It is one of the excellencies of a method, in ies with the brands of the furies.
which time is among the assistants, that its opWe are alarmed into reflection ; our minds eration is slow, and, in some cases, almost imare purified by terror and pity; our weak, un
perceptible. thinking pride is humbled under the dispensa- It can not be too often repeated, line upon tions of a mysterious wisdom.
line, precept upon precept, until it comes into The road to eminence and power, from obscure the currency of a proverb, to innovate is not to condition, ought not to be made too easy, nor a
reform. thing too much of course. The temple of honor It is the degenerate fondness for taking short ought to be seated on an eminence. If it be cuts, and little fallacious facilities, that has in so opened through virtue, let it be remembered that many parts of the world created governments virtue is never tried but by some difficulty and with arbitrary powers. some struggle.
Rage and frenzy will pull down more in half Public virtue, being of a nature magnificent an hour, than prudence, deliberation, and foreand splendid, instituted for great things, and con- sight can build up in a hundred years. versant about great concerns, requires abundant scope and room, and can not spread and grow
I shall always consider that liberty as very under confinement, and in circumstances strait- equivocal in her appearance, which has not wisened, narrow, and sordid.
dom and justice for her companions, and does
not lead prosperity and plenty in her train. All persons possessing any portion of power ought to be strongly and awfully impressed with What is liberty without wisdom and without an idea that they act in trust, and that they are virtue? It is the greatest of all possible evils ; to account for their conduct in that trust to the for it is folly, vice, and madness, without tuition one great master, author, and founder of society. or restraint. They who administer in the government of
The strong struggle in every individual to premen, in which they stand in the person of God serve possession of what he has found to belong himself, should have high and worthy notions of to him and to distinguish him, is one of the secutheir function and destination. Their hope should rities against injustice and despotism implanted be full of immortality.
in our nature. It operates as an instinct to se. It is with the greatest difficulty that I attempt
cure property, and to preserve communities in a
settled state. What is there to shock in this? to separate policy from justice. Justice is itself Nobility is a graceful ornament to the civil order. the great standing policy of civil society, and any It is the Corinthian capital of polished society. eminent departure from it, under any circumstances, lies under the suspicion of being no poli- It is a sour, malignant, envious disposition,
without taste for the reality, or for any image or In all mutations (if mutations must be), the representation of virtue, that sees with joy the circumstance which will serve most to blunt the unmerited fall of what had long flourished in edge of their mischief, and to promote what good splendor and in honor. may be in them, is, that they should find us with The perennial existence of bodies corporate our minds tenacious of justice, and tender of and their fortunes, are things particularly suited property.
to a man who has long views; who meditates A man, full of warm, speculative benevolence, designs that require time in fashioning, and which may wish society otherwise constituted than he propose duration when they are accomplished. finds it; but a good patriot, and a true politician, None can aspire to act greatly, but those who always considers how he shall make the most of are of force greatly to suffer. 1 A few of these sentences have been very slight
Strong instances of self-denial operate powerly modified or abridged, in order to give them the fully on our minds; and a man who has no wants character of distinct propositions, but in no way af has obtained great freedom and firmness, and fecting the sense.
cy at all.
Difficulty is a severe instructor, set over us by It is often impossible, in political inquiries, to the supreme ordinance of a parental guardian find any proportion between the apparent force and legislator, who knows us better than we of any moral causes we may assign, and their know ourselves, as he loves us better too. known operation. Some states, at the very moPater ipse colendi
ment when they seemed plunged in unfathomaHaud facilem esse viam voluit.a ble abysses of disgrace and disaster, have suddenHe that wrestles with us strengthens our
ly emerged; they have begun a new course and nerves and sharpens our skill.
opened a new reckoning; and even in the depths
of their calamity, and on the very ruins of the It has been the glory of the great masters in country, have laid the foundations of a towering all the arts to confront and to overcome; and and durable greatness. when they have overcome the first difficulty, to turn it into an instrument for new conquests over
There is a courageous wisdom: there is also a new difficulties.
false, reptile prudence, the result, not of caution,
but of fear. The eye of the mind is dazzled and Hypocrisy delights in the most sublime specu- vanquished. An abject distrust of ourselves, an lations ; for, never intending to go beyond spec- extravagant admiration of the enemy, present us ulation, it costs nothing to have it magnificent. with no hope but in a compromise with his pride,
Men who are too much confined to profes- by a submission to his will. sional and faculty habits, and, as it were, invet- Parsimony is not economy. Expense, and erate in the recurrent employment of that nar- great expense, may be an essential part in true row circle, are rather disabled than qualified for economy, which is a distributive virtue, and conwhatever depends on the knowledge of mankind, sists not in saving, but in selection. Parsimony on experience in mixed affairs, on a comprehen requires no providence, no sagacity, no powers sive, connected view of the various complicated of combination, no comparison, no judgment. external and internal interests which go to the Mere instinct, and that "not an instinct of the formation of that multifarious thing called a noblest kind, may produce this false economy in state.
persection. The other economy has larger views. Turbulent, discontented men of quality, in It demands a discriminating judgment, and a proportion as they are puffed up with personal firm, sagacious mind. pride and arrogance, generally despise their own If wealth is the obedient and laborious slave order.
of virtue and of public honor, then wealth is in The great must submit to the dominion of its place, and has its use. If we command our prudence and of virtue, or none will long submit wealth, we shall be rich and free; if our wealth to the dominion of the great.
commands us, we are poor indeed. Living law, full of reason, and of equity and
No sound ought to be heard in the church but justice (as it is
, or it should not exist), ought to the healing voice of Christian charity. Those be severe and awful too; or the words of men who quit their proper character to assume what ace, whether written on the parchment roll of does not belong to them, are, for the greater England, or cut into the brazen tablet of Rome, part, ignorant both of the character they leave will excite nothing but contempt.
and of the character they assume. They have
nothing of politics but the passions they excite. Men and states, to be secure, must be respect. Surely the church is a place where one day's ed. Power, and eminence, and consideration, truce ought to be allowed to the dissensions and are things not to be begged. They must be animosities of mankind. commanded;
and those who supplicate for mercy from others, can never hope for justice through
Steady, independent minds, when they have an themselves.
object of so serious a concern to mankind as gor
ernment under their contemplation, will disdain The blood of man should never be shed but to assume the part of satirists and declaimers. to redeem the blood of man. It is well shed for our family, for our friends, for our God, for our
Those persons who creep into the hearts of country, for our kind. The rest is vanity; the most people, who are chosen as the companions rest is crime.
of their softer hours, and their reliefs from care
and anxiety, are never persons of shining qualiIn a conflict between nations, that state which ties or strong virtues. It is rather the soft green is resolved to hazard its existence rather than to of the soul on which we rest our eyes that are abandon its objects, must have an infinite advant- fatigued with beholding more glaring objects. age over that which is resolved to yield rather than to carry its resistance beyond a certain
When pleasure is over, we relapse into indirpoint.
ference, or, rather, we fall into a soft tranquillity,
which is tinged with the agreeable color of the for. The Father of our race himself decrees mer sensation. That culture shall be hard.
Virgil's Georgics, i., 121. Nothing tends so much to the corruption of sci3 See, also, on this subject, the sketch of Mr. ence as to suffer it to stagnate : these waters must George Grenville's character,
I be troubled before they can expert their virtues.
It is better to cherish virtue and humanity by Whoever uses instruments, in finding helps, leaving much to free will, even with some loss finds also impediments. to the object, than to attempt to make men mere machines and instruments of a political benevo- things, that men of intemperate minds can not
It is ordained, in the eternal constitution of lence. The world, on the whole, will gain by be free. Their passions forge their fetters. a liberty without which virtue can not exist. The dignity of every occupation wholly de
Some persons, by hating vices too much, come pends upon the quantity and the kind of virtue to love men too little. that may be exerted in it
There are some follies which baffle argument, The degree of estimation in which any pro
which go beyond ridicule, and which excite no fession is held becomes the standard of the esti- feeling in us but disgust. mation in which the professors hold themselves. Men are as much blinded by the extremes of
It is generally in the season of prosperity misery as by the extremes of prosperity. Desthat men discover their real temper, principles, perate situations produce desperate councils and and designs.
desperate measures. Nothing but the possession of some power
They who always labor can have no true can, with any certainty, discover what at the bot judgment. They never give themselves time tom is the true character of any man.
to cool. They can never plan the future by the
past. All men that are rained, are ruined on the
Men who have an interest to pursue are exside of their natural propensities.
tremely sagacious in discovering the true seat Good men do not suspect that their destruc- of power. tion is attempted through their virtues.
In all bodies, those who will lead must also, True humility is the low, but deep and firm in a considerable degree, follow. foundation of all real virtue.
The virtues and vices of men in large towns While shame keeps its watch, virtue is not
are sociable; they are always in garrison; and wholly extinguished in the heart, nor will mod- they come embodied and half disciplined into eration be utterly exiled from the minds of ty- the hands of those who mean to form them for rants.
civil or military action. The punishment of real tyrants is a noble and
The elevation of mind, to be derived from fear, awful act of justice; and it has with truth been will never make a nation glorious. said to be consolatory to the human mind.
The vice of the ancient democracies, and one The arguments of tyranny are as contempti
cause of their ruin, was, that they ruled by occable as its force is dreadful.
sional decrees (psephismata), which broke in Wisdom is not the most severe corrector of upon the tenor and consistency of the laws. folly.
Those who execute public pecuniary trusts, The love of lucre, though sometimes carried ought, of all men, to be the most strictly held to to a ridiculous, sometimes to a vicious excess, is their duty. the grand cause of prosperity to all states.
Nothing turns out to be so oppressive and unGood order is the foundation of all good things. I just as a feeble government.
Henry GRATTAN was born at Dublin on the third day of July, 1746. His father was an eminent barrister, and acted for many years as recorder of that city, which he also represented for a time in the Parliament of Ireland.
In the year 1763, young Grattan entered Trinity College, Dublin, where he was distinguished for the brilliancy of his imagination and the impetuosity of his feelings. Having graduated in 1767, with an honorable reputation, he repaired to London, and became a member of the Middle Temple. His mind, however, was at first too exclusively occupied with literary pursuits to allow of his devoting much time to the study of the law. Politics next engaged his attention. The eloquence of Lord Chatham drew him as an eager listener to the debates in Parliament, and acted with such fascination upon his mind as seemed completely to form his destiny. Every thing was forgotten in the one great object of cultivating his powers as a public speaker. To emulate and express, though in the peculiar forms of his own genius, the lofty conceptions of the great English orator, was from this time the object of his continual study and most fervent aspirations.
In 1772 he returned to Ireland, where he was admitted to the bar; and in 1775 he became a member of the Irish Parliament, under the auspices of Lord Charlemont. He, of course, joined the ranks of Opposition, and united at once with Mr. Flood and the leading patriots of the day, in their endeavors to extort from the English minister the grant of free trade for Ireland. The peculiar circumstances of the country favored their design. The corps of Irish Volunteers had sprung into existence upon the alarm of invasion from France, and was marshaled throughout the country, to the number of nearly fifty thousand, for the defense of the island. With a semblance of some connection with the government, it was really an army unauthorized by the laws, and commanded by officers of their own choosing. Such a force could obviously be turned, at any moment, against the English ; and, seizing on the advantage thus gained, Mr. Grattan, in 1779, made a motion, which was afterward changed into a direct resolution, that “nothing but a free trade could save the country from ruin.” It was passed with enthusiasm by the great body of the House ; and the nation, with arms in their hands, echoed the resolution as the watch-word of their liberties. Lord North and his government were at once terrified into submission. They had tampered with the subject, exciting hopes and expectations only to disappoint them, until a rebellion in Ireland was about to be added to a rebellion in America. In the emphatic words of Mr. Burke,“ a sudden light broke in upon us all. It broke in, not through well-contrived and well-disposed windows, but through flaws and breaches through the yawning chasms of our ruin.” Every thing they asked was freely granted ; and Ireland, as the English minister imagined, was propitiated.
But Mr. Grattan had already fixed his eye on a higher object-the complete independence of the Irish Parliament. By an act of the sixth year of George the First, it was declared that Ireland was a subordinate and dependent kingdom ; that the Kings, Lords, and Commons of England had power to make laws to bind Ireland; that the Irish House of Lords had no jurisdiction, and that all proceedings before that court were void.
This arbitrary act Mr. Grattan now determined to set aside. He
availed himself of the enthusiasm which pervaded the nation, and, reminding them that the concessions just made might be recalled at any moment, if England continued to bind Ireland by her enactments, he urged them to a DECLARATION OF Right, denying the claim of the British Parliament to make laws for Ireland. His friends endeavored to dissuade him from bringing the subject before the Irish Parliament; but the voice of the nation was with him, and on the 19th of April, 1780, he made his memorable motion for a Declaration of Irish Right. His speech on that occasion, which is the first in this selection, was the most splendid piece of eloquence that had ever been heard in Ireland.” As a specimen of condensed and fervent argumentation, it indicates a high order of talent; while in brilliancy of style, pungency of application, and impassioned vehemence of spirit, it has rarely, if ever, been surpassed. The conclusion, especially, is one of the most magnificent passages in our eloquence.
Mr. Grattan's motion did not then pass, but he was hailed throughout Ireland as the destined deliverer of his country. No Irishman had ever enjoyed such unbounded popularity. He animated his countrymen with the hope of ultimate success; he inspired them with his own imaginative and romantic spirit, and awakened among them a feeling of nationality such as had never before existed. He taught them to cherish Irish affections, Irish manners, Irish art, Irish literature; and endeavored, in short, to make them a distinct people from the English in every respect but one, that of being governed by the same sovereign. Nothing could be more gratifying to the enthusiastic spirit of that ardent and impulsive race; and though it was impossible that such a plan should succeed, he certainly stamped his own character, in no ordinary degree, on the mind of the nation. That peculiar kind of eloquence, especially, which prevails among his countrymen, though springing, undoubtedly, from the peculiarities of national temperament, was rendered doubly popular by the brilliant success of Mr. Grattan, who presents the most perfect exhibition of the highly-colored and impassioned style of speaking in which the Irish delight, with but few of its faults, or, rather, for the most part, with faults in the opposite direction.
With this ascendency over the minds of the people, Mr. Grattan spent nearly two years in preparing for the next decisive step. The Volunteers held their famous meeting at Dungannon in February, 1782, and passed unanimously a resolution drawn up by Mr. Grattan, that a claim of any body of men, other than the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, to make laws to bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional, illegal, and a grievance.” This resolution was virtually a declaration of war in case the act of Parliament complained of, was not repealed. It was adopted throughout the country, not merely by shouting thousands at mass meetings, but by armed regiments of citizens and owners of the soil, and by grand juries at judicial assizes. The administration of Lord North was now tottering to its fall. The avowed friends of Ireland, Lord Rockingham, Lord Shelburne, and Mr. Fox, took his place in March, 1782; and Mr. Grattan determined at once to try the sincerity of their feelings. He therefore gave notice that, on the 16th of the ensuing April, he should repeat his motion, in the Irish House of Commons, for a Declaration of Irish Right. It was a trying moment for the new Whig administration. To concede at such a time, when the Irish stood with arms in their hands, was to lay England at their feet. Mr. Fox, therefore, seconded by Burke, Sheridan, Sir Philip Francis, Colonel Barré, and other distinguished Irishmen, pleaded for delay. Lord Charlemont brought the message to the bedside of Mr. Grattan, who was confined by a severe illness, and received for reply, No time! No time! The Irish leaders are pledged to the people ; they can not postpone the question ; it is public property.” When the day arrived, Mr. Grattan, to the surprise of all who knew his debilitated state, made his appearance in the House, and delivered a speech, the second one in these extracts,