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Sır,-It is the misfortune of your life, and I and political liberties depend. Had it been posoriginally the cause of every reproach and dis- sible for us to entertain a suspicion so dishonortress which has attended your government, that able to your character, we should long since you should never bave been acquainted with the have adopted a style of remonstrance very dislanguage of truth until you heard it in the com- tant from the humility of complaint. The docplaints of your people. It is not, however, too trine inculcated by our laws, ihat the King can late to correct the error of your education. We do no wrong, is admitted without reluctance. are still inclined to make an indulgent allowance We separate the amiable, good-natured prince for the pernicious lessons you received in your from the folly and treachery of his servants, and youth, and to form the most sanguine hopes the private virtues of the man from the vices of from the natural benevolence of your disposition. his government. Were it not for this just disWe are far from thinking you capable of a di-tinction, I know not whether your Majesty's conrect, deliberate purpose to invade those original dition, or that of the English nation, would derights of your subjects, on which all their civil serve most to be lamented. I would prepare

your mind for a favorable reception of truth. by sketch, in order to take off the appearance of intend. removing every painful, offensive idea of personal ing any thing personally offensive to the King. He reproach. Your subjects, sir, wish for nothing will be struck, also, with the dexterity shown in as- but that, as they are reasonable and affectionate suming just the requisite appearance of playing with enough to separate your person from your gov. the subject, when he says, "if an honest man were permitted to approach a King;" and the delicacy between the conduct which becomes the perma

ernment, so you, in your turn, should distinguish and apparent respect with which he enters on the task of administering to his sovereign unsought-fornent dignity of a King, and that which serves counsel and humiliating reproof.

only to promote the temporary interest and mis· Note by Junius. The plan of tutelage and fu- erable ambition of a minister. ture dominion over the heir-apparent, laid many You ascended the tirone with a declared, and, years ago at Carlton House between the Princess I doubt not, a sincere resolution of giving uniDowager and her favorite the Earl of Bute, was as versal satisfaction to your subjects. You found gross and palpable as that which was concerted be them pleased with the novelty of a young prince, tween Anne of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin to whose countenance promised even more than his govern Louis the Fourteenth, and in effect to long his minority until the end of their lives. That words, and loyal to you not only from principle, prince had strong natural parts, and used frequently but passion. It was not a cold profession of alto blush for his own ignorance and want of educa legiance to the first magistrate, but a partial, anition, which had been willfully neglected by his moth- mated attachment to a favorite prince, the native er and her minion. A little experience, however, of their country. They did not wait to examine soon showed him how shamefully he had been treat your conduct, nor to be determined by experied, and for what infamous purposes he had been ence, but gave you a generous credit for the kept in ignorance. Our great Edward, too, at an future blessings of your reign, and paid you in early period, had sense enough to understand the advance the dearest tribute of their affections. nature of the connection between his abandoned mother and the detested Mortimer. But, since that Such, sir, was once the disposition of a people, time, human nature, we may observe, is greatly al who now surround your throne with reproaches tered for the better. Dowagers may be chaste, and and complaints. Do justice to yourself. Banish minions may be honest. When it was proposed to from your mind those unworthy opinions with settle the present King's household as Prince of which some interested persons have labored to Wales, it is well known that the Earl of Bate was possess you. Distrust the men who tell you that forced into it, in direct contradiction to the late King's the English are naturally light and inconstant; inclination. That was the salient point from which that they complain without a cause. all the mischiefs and disgraces of the present reign

Withdraw took life and motion. From that moment, Lord Bute your confidence equally from all parties—from never suffered the Prince of Wales to be an instant ministers, favorites, and relations, and let there out of his sight. We need not look farther. be one moment in your life in which you have

On this statement Mr. Heron makes the following consulted your own understanding. remarks in his edition of Junirs, vol. ii., 43 : "There When you affectedly renounced the name of was, therefore, no dishonest plan for keeping the Englishman, believe me, sir, you were persuadKing in perpetual pupilage formed between his ed to pay a very ill-judged compliment to one mother and the Earl of Bute. Neither had George the Second nor the Princess Dowager of Wales part of your subjects, at the expense of another. committed the education of the young Prince to the While the natives of Scotland are not in actual Jacobites and Tories. His education was not neg- rebellion, they are undoubtedly entitled to prolected, but managed with admirable success and tection; nor do I mean to condemn the policy care. Not the young King, but their incapacity and unpopularity, drove the Newcastle party from pow- 4 Junius here lays hold of and perverts the laner. Not the King, but his own arrogance, and the guage used by the King in his first speech after opposition and dislike of the Newcastle party and coming to the throne: "Born and educated in this others, dismissed Mr. Pitt from the administration country, I glory in the name of Briton," &c. The The union of parties, and the breaking down of the prevailing hostility to the Scotch led many to comgreat Whig party, was originally the measure of ment on this avoidance of the word Englishman, as Pitt, and arose from the natural progress of things. probably dictated by Lord Bate, and as indicating So unjust are the imputations with which this Let too much anxiety to conciliate the people of Scotter commences." The truth lies between the two. I land.

of giving some encouragement to the novelty of the most irregular character may not be retheir affections for the house of Hanover. I am deemed. The mistakes of one sex find a reready to hope for every thing from their new treat in patriotism ; those of the other in devoborn zeal, and from the future steadiness of their tion. Mr. Wilkes brought with him into politics allegiance. But hitherto they have no claim to the same liberal sentiments by which his private your favor. To honor them with a determined conduct had been directed, and seemed to think, predilection and confidence, in exclusion of your that, as there are few excesses in which an EnEnglish subjects, who placed your family, and, glish gentleman may not be permitted to indulge, in spite of treachery and rebellion, have support the same latitude was allowed him in the choice ed it upon the throne, is a mistake too gross of his political principles, and in the spirit of even for the unsuspecting generosity of youth. maintaining them. I mean to state, not entirely In this error we see a capital violation of the to defend his conduct. In the earnestness of most obvious rules of policy and prudence. We his zeal, he suffered some unwarrantable insinutrace it, however, to an original bias in your ed-ations to escape him. He said more than moderucation, and are ready to allow for your inexperi- ate men would justify, but not enough to entitle ence.

him to the honor of your Majesty's personal reTo the same early influence we attribute it, sentment. The rays of royal indignation, col. that you have descended to take a share not only lected upon him, served only to illuminate, and in the narrow views and interests of particular could not consume. Animated by the favor of the persons, but in the fatal malignity of their pas- people on one side, and heated by persecution on sions. At your accession to the throne, the the other, his views and sentiments changed with whole system of government was altered, not his situation. Hardly serious at first, he is now from wisdom or deliberation, but because it had an enthusiast. The coldest bodies warm with opbeen adopted by your predecessor. A little position, the hardest sparkle in collision. There personal motive of pique and resentment was is a wholly mistaken zeal in politics as well as resufficient to remove the ablest servants of the ligion. By persuading others, we convince ourCrown; but it is not in this country, sir, that selves. The passions are engaged, and create such men can be dishonored by the frowns of a a maternal affection in the mind, which forces us King, They were dismissed, but could not be to love the cause for which we suffer. Is this a disgraced. Without entering into a minuter contention worthy of a King ? Are you not sendiscussion of the merits of the peace, we may sible how much the meanness of the cause gives observe, in the imprudent hurry with which the an air of ridicule to the serious difficulties into first overtures from France were accepted, in which you have been betrayed? The destructhe conduct of the negotiation, and terms of the tion of one man has been now, for many years, the treaty, the strongest marks of that precipitate sole object of your government; and, if there can spirit of concession with which a certain part of be any thing still more disgraceful, we have seen, your subjects have been at all times ready to for such an object, the utmost influence of the expurchase a peace with the natural enemies of ecutive power, and every ministerial artifice, exthis country. On your part we are satisfied erted without success. Nor can you ever sucthat every thing was honorable and sincere, and ceed, unless he should be imprudent enough to if England was sold to France, we doubt not forfeit the protection of those laws to which you that your Majesty was equally betrayed. The owe your crown, or unless your ministers should conditions of the peace were matter of grief and persuade you to make it a question of force alone, surprise to your subjects, but not the immediate and try the whole strength of government in opcause of their present discontent.

position to the people. The lessons he has reHitherto, sir, you had been sacrificed to the ceived from experience will probably guard him prejudices and passions of others. With what from such excess of solly ; and in your Majesty's firmness will you bear the mention of your own ? virtues we find an unquestionable assurance that

A man, not very honorably distinguished in no illegal violence will be attempted. the world, commences a formal attack upon your Far from suspecting you of so horrible a deFavorite, considering nothing but how he might sign, we would attribute the continued violation best expose his person and principles to detest of the laws, and even this last enormous attack ation, and the national character of his country- upon the vital principles of the Constitution, to men to contempt. The natives of that country, an ill-advised, unworthy personal resentment. sir, are as much distinguished by a peculiar From one false step you have been betrayed into character as by your Majesty's favor. Like another, and, as the cause was unworthy of you, another chosen people, they have been conduct your ministers were determined that the prued into the Land of Plenty, where they find dence of the execution should correspond with themselves effectually marked, and divided from the wisdom and dignity of the design. They mankind. There is hardly a period at which have reduced you to the necessity of choosing

* Note by Janius. One of the first acts of the out of a variety of difficulties—to a situation so present reign was to dismiss Mr. Legge, because unhappy, that you can neither do wrong without he had some years before refused to yield bis inter ruin, nor right without affliction. These worthy est in Hampsbire to a Scotchman recommended by servants have undoubtedly given you many sinLord Bate. This was the reason publicly assigned gular proofs of their abilities. Not contented by his Lordship

with making Mr. Wilkes a man of importance, they have judiciously transferred the question object as it would be an affront to you to name. from the rights and interests of one man to the Men of sense will examine your conduct with most important rights and interests of the people, suspicion; while those who are incapable of and forced your subjects, from wishing well to comprehending to what extent they are injured, the cause of an individual, to unite with him in afflict you with clamors equally insolent and untheir own. Let them proceed as they have be- meaning. Supposing it possible that no fatal gun, and your Majesty need not doubt that the struggle should ensue, you determine at once to catastrophe will do no dishonor to the conduct be unhappy, without the hope of a compensation of the piece.

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either from interest or ambition. If an English The circumstances to which you are reduced king be hated or despised, he must be unhappy; will not admit of a compromise with the English and this, perhaps, is the only political truth which nation. Undecisive, qualifying measures will he ought to be convinced of without experiment. disgrace your government still more than open But if the English people should no longer conviolence, and, without satisfying the people, will fine their resentment to a submissive representexcite their contempt. They have too much ation of their wrongs; if, following the glorious understanding and spirit to accept of an indirect example of their ancestors, they should no longer satisfaction for a direct injury. Nothing less appeal to the creature of the Constitution, but to than a repeal, as formal as the resolution itself, that high Being who gave them the rights of can heal the wound which has been give to humanity, whose gifts it were sacrilege to surthe Constitution, nor will any thing less be ac- render, let me ask you, sir, upon what part of cepted. I can readily believe that there is an your subjects would you rely for assistance ? influence sufficient to recall that pernicious vote. The people of Ireland have been uniformly The House of Commons undoubtedly consider plundered and oppressed. In return, they give their duty to the Crown as paramount to all you every day fresh marks of their resentment. other obligations. To us they are only indebt- They despise the miserable governor (Viscount ed for an accidental existence, and have justly Townsend) you have sent them, because he is transferred their gratitude from their parents to the creature of Lord Bute; nor is it from any their benefactors—from those who gave them natural confusion in their ideas that they are so birth, to the minister from whose benevolence ready to confound the original of a king with the they derive the comforts and pleasures of their disgraceful representation of him. political life; who has taken the tenderest care The distance of the colonies would make it of their infancy, relieves their necessities with impossible for them to take an active concern in out offending their delicacy, and has given them, your affairs, if they were as well affected to your what they value most, a virtuous education. government as they once pretended to be to your But, if it were possible for their integrity to be person. They were ready enough to distinguish degraded to a condition so vile and abject, that, between you and your ministers. They com. compared with it, the present estimation they plained of an act of the Legislature, but traced stand in is a state of honor and respect, con- the origin of it no higher than to the servants of sider, sir, in what manner you will afterward the Crown. They pleased themselves with the proceed? Can you conceive that the people hope that their Sovereign, if not favorable to of this country will long submit to be governed their cause, at least was impartial. The deciby so flexible a House of Commons? It is not sive, personal part you took against them, has in the nature of human society that any form of effectually banished that first distinction from government, in such circumstances, can long be their minds. They consider you as united preserved. In ours, the general contempt of the with your servants against America, and know people is as fatal as their detestation. Such, I how to distinguish the sovereign and a venal am persuaded, would be the necessary effect of Parliament on one side, from the real sentiments any base concession made by the present House of the English people on the other. Looking of Commons; and, as a qualifying measure would forward to independence, they might possibly not be accepted, it remains for you to decide receive you for their king; but, if ever you rewhether you will

, at any hazard, support a set tire to America, be assured they will give you of men, who have reduced you to this unhappy such a Covenant to digest, as the presbytery of dilemma, or whether you will gratify the united Scotland would have been ashamed to offer to wishes of the whole people of England by dis. Charles the Second. They left their native solving the Parliament.

land in search of freedom, and found it in a desTaking it for granted, as I do very sincerely, ert. Divided as they are into a thousand forms that you have personally no design against the Constitution, nor any views inconsistent with the * In the King's speech of 8th November, 1768, it good of your subjects, I think you can not hesi- was declared that the spirit of faction had broken tate long upon the choice which it equally con

out afresh in some of the colonies, and, in one of cerns your interest and your honor to adopt. On

them, proceeded to acts of violence and resistance one side, you hazard the affections of all your state of disobedience to all law and government,

and

to the execution of the laws; that Boston was in a English subjects ; you relinquish every hope of bad proceeded to measures subversive of the Conrepose to yourself, and you endanger the estab- stitution, and attended with circumstances that man. lishment of your family forever. All this you ifested a disposition to throw off their dependence venture for no object whatsoever, or for such an on Great Britain."

of policy and religion, there is one point in which the vengeance of his enemies. This, sir, was they all agree : they equally detest the pageantry not the act of a few traitors, but the deliberate of á King, and the supercilious hypocrisy of a treachery of a Scotch Parliament representing bishop

the nation. A wise prince might draw from it It is not, then, from the alienated affections of two lessons of equal utility to himself. On one Ireland or America, that you can reasonably look side he might learn to dread the undisguised refor assistance; still less from the people of En- sentment of a generous people, who dare openly gland, who are actually contending for their assert their rights, and who, in a just cause, are rights, and, in this great question, are parties ready to meet their sovereign in the field. On the against you. You are not, however, destitute other side, he would be taught to apprehend some. of every appearance of support. You have all thing far more formidable—a sawning treachery, the Jacobites, Nonjurors, Roman Catholics, and against which no prudence can guard, no courage Tories of this country, and all Scotland without can defend. The insidious smiles upon the cheek exception. Considering from what family you would warn him of the canker in the heart. are descended, the choice of your friends has From the uses to which one part of the army been singularly directed; and truly, sir, if you has been too frequently applied, you have some had not lost the Whig interest of England, I reason to expect that there are no services they should admire your dexterity in turning the would refuse. Here, too, we trace the partiality hearts of your enemies. Is it possible for you of your understanding. You take the sense of to place any confidence in men, who, before they the army from the conduct of the Guards, with are faithful to you, must renounce every opinion, the same justice with which you collect the and betray every principle, both in church and sense of the people from the representations of state, which they inherit from their ancestors, the ministry. Your marching regiments, sir, and are confirmed in by their education ? whose will not make the Guards their example, either numbers are so inconsiderable, that they have as soldiers or subjects. They feel and resent, long since been obliged to give up the princi- as they ought to do, that invariable, undistinples and language which distinguished them as guishing favor with which the Guards are treata party, and to fight under the banners of their ed; while those gallant troops, by whom every enemies? Their zeal begins with hypocrisy, hazardous, every laborious service is performed, and must conclude in treachery. At first they are left to perish in garrisons abroad, or pine in deceive, at last they betray.

quarters at home, neglected and forgotten.? If As to the Scotch, I must suppose your heart they had no sense of the great original duty they and understanding so biased, from your earliest owe their country, their resentment would operinfancy, in their favor, that nothing less than your ate like patriotism, and leave your cause to be oun misfortunes can undeceive you. You will defended by those to whom you have lavished not accept of the uniform experience of your an- the rewards and honors of their profession. The cestors; and when once a man is determined to Pretorian bands, enervated and debauched as they believe, the very absurdity of the doctrine con- were, had still strength enough to awe the Rofirms him in his faith. A bigoted understanding man populace ; but when the distant legions can draw a proof of attachment to the house of took the alarm, they marched to Rome, and Hanover from a notorious zeal for the house of gave away the Empire. S Stuart, and find an earnest of future loyalty in On this side, then, whichever way you turn former rebellions. Appearances are, however, your eyes, you see nothing but perplexity and in their favor ; so strongly, indeed, that one distress. You may determine to support the would think they had forgotten that you are very ministry who have reduced your affairs to their lawful King, and had mistaken you for a this deplorable situation ; you may shelter your. Pretender to the crown. Let it be admitted, self under the forms of Parliament, and set your then, that the Scotch are as sincere in their present professions as if you were in reality not Note by Junius. The number of commissioned an Englishman, but a Briton of the North-you officers in the Guards are to the marching regiments would not be the first prince of their native as one to eleven; the number of regiments given to country against whom they have rebelled, nor

the Guards, compared with those given to the line, the first whom they have basely betrayed. Have is about three to one, at a moderate computation; you forgotten, sir, or has your favorite concealed consequently, the partiality in favor of the Guards

is as thirty-three to one. So much for the officers from you that part of our history, when the un. The private men have fourpence a day to subsist happy Charles (and he, too, had private virtues) on, and five hundred lashes if they desert. Under fled from the open, avowed indignation of his En- this punishment they frequently expire. With these glish subjects, and surrendered himself at discre- encouragements, it is supposed they may be do tion to the good faith of his own countrymen ? pended upon, whenever a certain person thinks it Without looking for support in their affections necessary to butcher his fellow-subjects.

8 This is one of the passages which show the fa. as subjects, he applied only to their honor as gentlemen, sor protection. "They received him miliarity of Janius with Tacitus, when composing

these Letters. The event referred to was the as they would your Majesty, with bows, and march of the German legions to Rome, under Vitelsmiles, and falsehood, and kept him until they lius, and their defeat of the Pretorian Bands, who had settled their bargain with the English Par- had previously given the imperial dignity to Otho, liament; then basely sold their native king to from whom it passed to Vitellius.

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people at defiance. But, be assured, sir, that | jected the majority of votes, the only criterion such a resolution would be as imprudent as it by which our laws judge of the sense of the peowould be odious. If it did not immediately ple; they have transferred the right of election shake your establishment, it would rob you of from the collective to the representative body; your peace of mind forever.

and by these acts, taken separately or together, On the other, how different is the prospect! they have essentially altered the original constiHow easy, how safe and honorable is the path tution of the House of Commons. Versed, as before you! The English nation declare they your Majesty undoubtedly is, in the English hisare grossly injured by their representatives, and tory, it can not easily escape you, how much it solicit your Majesty to exert your lawful pre- is to your interest, as well as your duty, to prerogative, and give them an opportunity of recall. vent one of the three estates from encroaching ing a trust, which, they find, has been so scan. upon the province of the other two, or assuming dalously abused. You are not to be told that the authority of them all. When once they the power of the House of Commons is not orig. have departed from the great constitutional line inal, but delegated to them for the welfare of the by which all their proceedings should be directpeople, from whom they received it. A ques. ed, who will answer for their future moderation ? tion of right arises between the constituent and Or what assurance will they give you, that, the representative body. By what authority when they have trampled upon their equais, shall it be decided ? Will your Majesty inter- they will submit to a superior? Your Majesty fere in a question in which you have properly no may learn hereafter how nearly the slave and immediate concern? It would be a step equal- tyrant are allied. ly odious and unnecessary. Shall the Lords be Some of your council, more candid than the called upon to determine the rights and privi- rest, admit the abandoned profligacy of the presleges of the Commons ? They can not do it ent House of Commons, but oppose their dissowithout a flagrant breach of the Constitution. lution upon an opinion, I confess not very unwarOr will you refer it to the judges? They have rantable, that their successors would be equally often told your ancestors that the law of Parlia- at the disposal of the treasury. I can not perment is abure them. What party then remains, suade myself that the nation will have profited but to leave it to the people to determine for so little by experience. But if that opinion were themselves ? They alone are injured ; and since well founded, you might then gratify our wishes there is no superior power to which the cause at an easy rate, and appease the present clamor can be referred, they alone ought to determine. against your government without offering any

I do not mean to perplex you with a tedious material injury to the favorite cause of corrupargument upon a subject already so discussed, tion. that inspiration could hardly throw a new light You have still an honorable part to act. The upon it. There are, however, two points of affections of your subjects may still be recoverview in which it particularly imports your Maj- ed. But, before you subdue their hearts, you esty to consider the late proceedings of the must gain a noble victory over your own. DisHouse of Commons. By depriving a subject of card those little personal resentments which have his birthright, they have attributed to their own too long directed your public conduct. Pardon vote an authority equal to an act of the whole this man the remainder of his punishment, and, if Legislature; and, though perhaps not with the resentment still prevails, make it, what it should same motives, have strictly followed the exam- have been long since, an act, not of mercy, but ple of the Long Parliament, which first declared contempt.'' He will soon fall back into his natthe regal office useless, and soon after, with as ural station—a silent senator, and hardly suplittle ceremony, dissolved the House of Lords. porting the weekly eloquence of a newspaper. The same pretended power which robs an En-The gentle breath of peace would leave him on glish subject of his birthright, may rob an En. glish King of his crown. In another view, the But they received the votes, and returned him as resolution of the House of Commons, apparently member, and then the House of Commons punished not so dangerous to your Majesty, is still more

the electors by setting aside their votes, without a alarming to your people. Not contented with

word of censure on the returning officers. divesting one man of his right, they have arbi- within less than four months. This Letter probably

10 He was pardoned and released from prison trarily conveyed that right to another. They convinced the King that he could no longer mainhave set aside a return as illegal, without daring tain the contest. A general illumination took place to censure those officers who were particularly throughout London on the night following his reapprised of Mr. Wilkes's incapacity, not only by lease. His debts had been previously paid or comthe declaration of the House, but expressly by promised by the Society of the People's Rights. the writ directed to them, and who nevertheless Wilkes was soon after chosen an alderman of Lon. returned him as duly elected.9 They have re-don, and subsequently Lord Mayor. At the next

general election in 1774, he was returned again as “There is force in this remark. If there was any member for Middlesex, and took his seat without blame in the Middlesex election, it certainly rested opposition. On the dismissal of Lord North's adwith the returning officers. They ought to have ministration in 1782, the obnoxious resolations which known, better than the common people of Middlesex gave Colonel Luttrell his seat were expanged, on could be presumed to know, whether Mr. Wilkes his own motion, from the journals of the House of was disqualified by his expulsion from the House. I Commons.

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