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argue the point fairly with its opponents, it should be done on equal terms: now, the adversary has the advantage. So long as admission to office is held out as a bribe to the rich, or food and raiment to the naked and starving poor, the argument is against us. Remove the disabilities of the one, and raise the degraded state of the other; then, and not till then, we argue on equal terms. As matters stand, such things are said of the means used as we ought not to give a handle for; and if there be any foundation for the statement conveyed to us, we can only say,-' Pudet hæc et opprobria dici, et non potuisse repelli.'

* This alludes to the conduct of the reformation party in Ireland, who were represented (whether justly or not it is not our province to determine) to have distributed food and clothing to the catholic peasantry, in order to induce them to become converts to the protestant faith.

CHAPTER VIII.

CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL, 1829-HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Letter of the Duke of Wellington to Dr. Curtis-Recall of the Marquis of Anglesea from Ireland-Dublin Meeting-King's Speech on opening Parliament-Debates on the Address-O'Connell's Letter on the Clare Election-Reception of his Majesty's Message in Ireland -Bill for suppressing the Catholic Association-Voluntary Dissolution of the same-Debates on Petitions in the Lords-Speeches of the Royal Dukes-Oxford Election-Mr. Peel's Speech in the Commons, introducing the Relief Bill-Debates on the several Readings -Speeches of Mr. Peel, Mr. Brougham, Mr. North, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Mr. Sadler, Mr. Wilmot Horton, Sir Charles Wetherell, and others—Bill passes the Commons-Irish Disfranchisement Bill.

IN the retrospect of the domestic and constitutional annals of our country, the year 1829, will, to the future historian, present an epoch memorable for an event, more gratifying, though less splendid, than any of the acquisitions of foreign conquest, or the proudest triumphs of martial glory. For a considerable time past, public expectation had been kept on the stretch, as to the issue of the important question to which we allude. Every one knew that the distinguished military nobleman at the head of his majesty's government, if once brought to the conclusion, that measures of concession to the catholics were essential to the pacification of Ireland, and the consequent prosperity of the country, would be deterred

from their adoption by no expression of discontent, or opposition within the doors of parliament, or of popular clamour without. And another circumstance which gave rise to much speculation, was the fact that the sentiments of the duke of Wellington had in part transpired, in the publication of a private letter of his grace, addressed to Dr. Curtis, in reply to a communication received by him from the latter. The following is a copy of this celebrated epistle.

My dear sir, I have received your letter of the 4th instant, and I assure you that you do me justice in believing that I am sincerely anxious to witness the settlement of the Roman catholic question, which, by benefiting the state, would confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it. But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settlement. Party has been mixed up with the consideration of the question to such a degree, and such violence pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassionately. If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and employ that time diligently in the consideration of its difficulties on all sides, (for they are very great,) I should not despair of seeing a satisfactory remedy. Believe me, my dear sir, ever your most faithful humble servant.

London, Dec. 11, 1828.

WELLINGTON.

To this communication Dr. Curtis addressed a temperate reply, in which he argued the impossibility of burying the question in oblivion; adding, that half the opposition to the measure proceeded from the faction that bullied the king's ministers from attempting what they themselves were convinced might be easily effected, and from what they would be personally desirous of settling as soon as possible, and thus ridding themselves of a most hampering question.

Popular curiosity and speculation were now wrought to their highest pitch, and almost all liberal minded men thought that in these occurrences might be traced the germ of some contemplated measures of amelioration; when their expectations were apparently annihilated by the sudden recall from Ireland of the marquis of Anglesea, an event

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from their adoption by no expression of discontent, or opposition within the doors of parliament, or of popular clamour without. And another circumstance which gave rise to much speculation, was the fact that the sentiments of the duke of Wellington had in part transpired, in the publication of a private letter of his grace, addressed to Dr. Curtis, in reply to a communication received by him from the latter. The following is a copy of this celebrated epistle.

My dear sir,-I have received your letter of the 4th instant, and I assure you that you do me justice in believing that I am sincerely anxious to witness the settlement of the Roman catholic question, which, by benefiting the state, would confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it. But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settlement. Party has been mixed up with the consideration of the question to such a degree, and such violence pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassionately. If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and employ that time diligently in the consideration of its difficulties on all sides, (for they are very great,) I should not despair of seeing a satisfactory remedy. Believe me, my dear sir, ever your most faithful humble servant.

London, Dec. 11, 1828.

WELLINGTON.

To this communication Dr. Curtis addressed a temperate reply, in which he argued the impossibility of burying the question in oblivion; adding, that half the opposition to the measure proceeded from the faction that bullied the king's ministers from attempting what they themselves were convinced might be easily effected, and from what they would be personally desirous of settling as soon as possible, and thus ridding themselves of a most hampering question.

Popular curiosity and speculation were now wrought to their highest pitch, and almost all liberal minded men thought that in these occurrences might be traced the germ of some contemplated measures of amelioration; when their expectations were apparently annihilated by the sudden recall from Ireland of the marquis of Anglesea, an event

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