derived important benefits, of which they will never cease to entertain a grateful recollection. But amidst the sad feelings which the late national calamity inspires, we find consolation in the reflection that our late deservedly lamented sovereign has been succeeded by a prince of the same illustrious house. We, therefore, humbly entreat that your majesty will be graciously pleased to receive our congratulations on your majesty's accession to the throne of this realm, to accept the expression of our fidelity and allegiance, and to allow us to assure your majesty, that no class of your majesty's subjects shall evince greater zeal in support of the principles of our invaluable constitution, or a more steady attachment to your majesty's sacred person, and the illustrious house of Brunswick, than the Roman catholics of Ireland.

In reply to this loyal and dutiful address, the following letter was transmitted to Mr. O'Gorman from lord Fingall. 6, Seymour-place, Thursday, May 11, 1820.

DEAR SIR, I have the honour to inform you, and must beg you to communicate, that I had yesterday, at the levee, as it had been appointed for me to have the honour of doing, that of presenting to his majesty, our most gracious sovereign, the address of condolence and congratulation, which was some time ago agreed on, at an aggregate meeting in Dublin of the catholics of Ireland, and which I was deputed to have the honour of presenting to his majesty.

His majesty was pleased to receive this address in the most gracious manner.

I have the honour to be, dear sir, with much esteem and regard, your humble and obedient servant,

Nicholas Purcell O'Gorman, esq. &c. &c. &c.

FINGALL.

It is not our intention to undertake the defence either of the

catholic body in general, or of the association in particular. It is the province of the historian faithfully to record facts as they arise; but whatever might have been the errors of this body, now no longer in existence, if any benefit shall be found to have accrued to the united kingdom by means of the concessions so eagerly sought by one party, and so long withheld by the other, it will be obviously due to the exertions of the catholic association.

We have before noticed that the sentiments of his late majesty, George III. were well known to be decidedly opposed to any further concessions to the catholics; and that this circumstance had alone suspended the operations of the advocates of their claims. No sooner, therefore, had our present sovereign ascended the throne, than their exertions were renewed with increased ardour. In the early part of 1820, numerous petitions were presented to parliament on their behalf, which formed the basis of interesting and animated debates. This period is rendered remarkable by its giving occasion to the last exertion of the celebrated Mr. Grattan on behalf of his country. After a long period devoted to its service in the parliament of Ireland, he had been chosen, on the event of the union, to represent the city of Dublin; but at the time to which we allude, he had retired from public life, and was now labouring under the effects of a mortal disease. At this eventful crisis, however, he resolved, notwithstanding, to proceed to London, to bring, once more, the claims of his countrymen before the imperial parliament; but these intentions were defeated by his death, which took place almost immediately on his arrival in the British metropolis, on the 4th of June, 1820. In Mr. Plunkett, however, his country found an able and worthy successor; and on the 28th of February, 1821, the latter was entrusted with a petition, bearing the signatures of some thousands of Irish catholics, praying that their case might receive the attention of the legislature. Lord Nugent, at the same time, presented a similar petition, from the Roman catholics of England. It

was on this occasion that the eloquence of Mr. Plunkett assumed a splendour, which seemed at once to raise him to the sphere left vacant by his departed friend.

From the means, he remarked, which he possessed of knowing the people of Ireland and the opinion entertained by them, he could say that the petition contained the public sentiments of the great body of the Roman catholics of Ireland. A similar petition had been presented in that house the year before last. On that occasion the prayers of the petitioners had come forward to that house with all the eloquence, with all the experience, with all the authority of the late Mr. Grattan. In now undertaking the duty devolved on him, he felt his heart melted with public sorrow and private regret, with which he followed to the grave that great man, by whose confidence he had been honoured, by whose wisdom he had been encircled, by whose example he had been guided. After the warm and unrivalled` eloquence with which he had been lamented in that house, and after the distinguished honours with which the justice and liberality of Englishmen had accompanied his remains to the tomb-for at his death, as during life, he had been the bond of union between the two countries—after these tributes to his virtues, tributes as distinguished as they were merited, he would not disturb the solemnity of his obsequies by his feeble praise and unavailing sorrow. Yet he could not avoid to mention his name now when presenting this petition. The subject was one on which he (Mr. Grattan) had deeply and earnestly meditated; it had taken early and entire possession of his mind, and held that possession to the last hour of his life; he would have willingly laid down his life in advocating the rights and liberties which he believed to be due to the Roman catholic subjects of the king, and beneficial to the whole empire. It had been his deliberate conviction that there could be no sympathy of feeling, and no establishment of concord between the two countries, till this question should be set at rest. He had always been alive to the desire of fame, and shewed in the various actions of his life that love of the approbation and esteem of the wise, which clung to every aspiration of a good man, while on earth. But never man had treated with more absolute disdain the hollow and faithless popularity which is obtained by subserviency, and preserved by dereliction of principle. He had never, therefore, urged the great measure which he had so cordially espoused but on terms by which it could be reconciled to the protestant interest of the country. He, Mr. Plunkett, in following