befallen Ireland is inextinguishable, and shall not pass away. It will leave a track of light which shall endure through time. True it is that a collateral expedient is its companion, which I could desire to see apart from it; but though I regret that the 40s. freeholders have been immolated, let us remember the altar at which the sacrifice was performed, and the godlike principle of freedom to which it was offered up. Abstractedly considered, the rights of the Irish peasantry had the greatest weight, and when the great scales were held forth, and their franchises were thrown in, they seemed to preponderate; but when the liberty of a whole nation was flung into the opposite side of the balance, even the 40s. freeholders were weighed up. It was, sir, the fashion among the Romans, when a master liberated a slave, to give him a blow even in the act of manumission; but, when the slave started up a freeman, he did not feel it. Ireland has been touched with the baton of the great duke, but it is only a tap upon her cheek of which she is scarcely conscious, as she springs from the earth, and resumes the attitude of liberty again. We do not feel the minor deprivation, and can remember nothing but the glorious gift of freedom with which it is attended. But let not our joy, lofty and exalting as it is, bear us into any unworthy manifestations of arrogant and contumelious triumph. No sir, it is far wiser, and it is far nobler, to endeavour by our subdued and well-regulated demeanour, to disarm our adversaries of any remaining asperities, and to prove to them that we are willing to commit to forgiveness and to forgetfulness all that has befallen. Let" the sweet oblivious antidote" be applied to "the mind diseased"-let large draughts from the salubrious fountain of oblivion be ministered to the country-let every thing be forgotten, and yet not so, let nothing but injuries be forgotten, and let nothing but services be remembered for ever.

Mr. Murphy and others spoke in support of the resolutions, which being all unanimously agreed to, the meeting adjourned.

Such were the proceedings which took place in the Irish capital at this momentous crisis, and which, if we mistake not, reflect equal honour on the judgments and the hearts of those by whom they were directed. Similar feelings, we believe it will be found, were in general predominant through the island; and, at least as far as the influence of these examples could be supposed to extend, the same chastened demonstrations of public joy and gratitude were evinced, without the

appearance of ostentatious or offensive triumph. The effect of this judicious conduct, on the part of the catholics, upon the minds of their former antagonists was soon conspicuous. The angry passions began to subside. Peace and confidence were restored throughout the island. Men of adverse factions met. like comrades when the battle is over, and gave way to the cheerful enjoyment of an universal amnesty. Against the emancipation act there was scarcely a dissentient voice; while, on all sides, there seemed to prevail an ardent desire to heal past differences, and to unite with the legislature in the great work of national reconciliation.

To the duke of Wellington belongs the praise of having brought the intellectual resources of the nation to bear fully and efficiently on this great legislative question, and of rousing the torpid and reluctant convictions of men into immediate decision on the important points with which it stands connected.

It has been suggested that our neighbours of the sister island are about to testify their gratitude and satisfaction, by the erection of a statue to his grace in their metropolis. The noble duke and his coadjutors have, however, by the achievement of this grand national work reared a monument to their country's greatness more durable, we trust, than brass or marble. Long may it stand, to mark the era when the laws of Britain gave to the claims of political justice, and civil and religious freedom, their final and triumphant consummation.

POSTSCRIPT.

Ir now only remains that we should very briefly notice the proceedings which have taken place since the close of our work, in reference to Mr. O'Connell's disputed claim to a seat in parliament, by virtue of the Clare election. The validity of Mr. O'Connell's return as a member of parliament, having been established by a committee of the house, the only remaining point of dispute regarded his legal qualification to sit and vote under the provisions of the relief bill, without taking the oaths prescribed by the former acts. In order to determine this question, Mr. O'Connell appeared at the bar of the house of commons, on Friday, the 15th of May, when Mr. Ley, the principal clerk, tendered him the customary oaths of allegiance, supremacy, and abjuration, to which the honourable gentleman objected. The speaker then addressed the house, stating that Mr. O'Connell, as was well known to that house, had been returned long before the passing of the act for the relief of the catholics, and therefore it could not apply to any one circumstanced as he was. He (the speaker) had only therefore to revert to the law previously to the passing of that act, which was, that every member should take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, before the lord-steward or his deputies, and that afterwards he should take the oaths of allegiance, supremacy, and abjuration, together with the declaration against transubstantiation, before that house. To take those oaths Mr.

O'Connell had objected; and he felt it his duty to desire the honourable gentleman to withdraw. Mr. O'Connell accordingly withdrew, when Mr. Brougham proceeded to advocate the right of the honourable gentleman to be heard at the table of the house, without taking the oaths, in order to state his objections to taking them, before the house came to any decision on the subject. The honourable and learned member cited two or three precedents which appeared to him to be in point, and which he thought justified him in urging that Mr. O'Connell should be recalled, in order that the house, after hearing him, might be enabled upon fair grounds to proceed to a decision on the question. The speaker observed that he knew of no precedent of any person not having taken his seat being heard, without the decision of the house to that effect; and after some further conversation, it was agreed to postpone the farther consideration of the question to Monday the 18th, when, on the motion of Mr. Peel, it was resolved that Mr. O'Connell should be heard at the bar of the house. Mr. O'Connell then again appeared at the bar, and, in a very ingenious and eloquent address, urged his claim to a seat in that house without taking the former oaths. The solicitor-general replied, and concluded by moving "That Mr. O'Connell having been returned a member of this house before the passing of the act for the relief of the Roman catholics, he is not entitled to sit or vote in this house unless he first takes the oath of supremacy." Several members then declared their respective opinions on each side of the question, and the house divided, when the numbers were-ayes 190; noes 116; majority 74. It was then proposed by the solicitor-general-" That Mr. O'Connell should be called to the bar, and informed of the decision of the house; and that he should then have the oaths tendered to him." Mr. Brougham thought such a course would be inconvenient; and, after some conversation on the subject, it was finally resolved, on the motion of Mr. Peel, that Mr. O'Connell should attend at the bar on the day following, and

that the resolution of the house should be then communicated to him, and the oaths again tendered to him to take. Accordingly on Tuesday, the 19th of May, Mr. O'Connell was again called in, when the speaker thus addressed him. "Mr. O'Connell, I am directed by this house to communicate to you two resolutions to which the house came last night. The first is, 'That it is the opinion of this house that Mr. O'Connell having been returned a member of this house before the commencement of the act passed in this session of parliament for the relief of his majesty's Roman catholic subjects, is not entitled to sit and vote in this house, unless he first take the oath of supremacy.' The next resolution is, 'That Mr. O'Connell do attend the house this day, and that Mr. Speaker do then communicate to him the said resolution, and ask him whether he will take the oath of supremacy:' in obedience to these resolutions, I now ask you if you are willing to take that oath ?" Mr. O'Connell having attentively examined the oath, again declared his inability to take it, and on being directed by the speaker, withdrew, The solicitor-general then moved "That a new writ be issued for the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Clare, in the room of Mr. O'Connell, who has vacated his seat by refusing to take the oath of supremacy, he having been elected before the enactment of the recent bill, passed for the relief of his majesty's Roman catholic subjects."

It is a subject of painful regret that we cannot close our history, without adverting to a late repetition of those scenes of political tumult, which have so often been the reproach of the people of Ireland. It would appear that some of the more violent spirits among the leaders of the Orange faction, taking advantage of the excitation caused by the approaching elections in that country, and other incidents of the day, have been but too successful in fomenting those disturbances, in which, after making every allowance for exaggerated report, it is evident several lives have been lost. It would,