"ut dictum eft, annis. Deinde "morata in coïtu folis, biduo, cum ❝tardiffime, a tricefima luce rur"fus ad eafdem vices exit: haud "fcio an omnium quae in caelo pernófci potuerunt magiftra. In "duodecim menfium fpatia opor"tere dividi annum : quandò ipfa "toties folem, redeuntem ad print cipia confequitur." Thus according to Pliny, the month is thirty days; of which space of time he muft alfo be understood, when he fays fome are born in the feventh month, others in the eighth, and ome in the beginning of the tenth nd eleventh, but thofe children eldom live, who are born before the eventh: "Caeteris animantibus ftatum et pariendi, et partus gerendi tempus eft homo toto anno et incerto gignitur fpatio. Alius feptimo menfe, alius octavo, et ufque ad initia decimi undecimique. Ante feptimum menfem haud unquam vitalis eft." hat children are born in the venth and eighth month, is conrmed by experience; and the fual time is in the beginning of the nth month; for nine months of irty days make but 270 days, a eriod, which falls ten days fhort of e ufual time of geftation. But we reckon, with more exactnefs, y the fynodical month, wherein he moon paffes from it's conjuncion with the fun, and enters in conunction with it again, we shall find ine of thofe months to make but

bas neither had bis table bonoured by a god, nor bis bed by a goddess.

266 days, a period, which falls fourteen days fhort of the ufual time, which is 280 days. Thus we fhall find the ufual time of the birth of a child to be at the end of the ninth calendar month, and of the tenth month of four weeks, in the beginning of the tenth month of thirty days, by which the ancient Romans reckoned, and in the middle of the tenth fynodical month. Therefore Virgil might very well mention the qualms of ten months, without any imagination, that the mother was to go longer than the ufual time: for this Eclogue, as has been already obferved, was written before the birth of the child. Ovid, in the third book of his Fafti, fpeaking of the old year of ten months, thinks that number was chofen, either in respect to the number of the fingers; or elfe because a woman brings forth in the tenth month;

"Q qui capacem nobilis artifex "Eludis Orcum; quo tamen ibi

"mus

"Cuncti, quot humanae parentes, "Et decimae tulit ordo lunae."

Thus we have no reason to believe, that Virgil defigned any thing extraordinary in this paflage; nor indeed does it appear, that the Ancients had any notion, that the birth of a child after the ufual time denoted any future happiness or grandeur, Pliny mentions a Roman lady, who, by three hufbands, had four children, two of which were born in the feventh month, one in the eighth, and one in the eleventh. Corbulo, who was born in the feventh, and Suillius Ruffus, who was born in the eleventh, had equal fortune, for they were both Confuls; and Caefonia, who was born in the eighth, came to be an Emprefs, being the wife of Caligula: "Veftilia C. Herdicii, ac poftea Pomponii atque Orfiti cla"riffimorum civium conjunx, ex "his quatuor partus enixa, Sem"pronium feptimo menfe genuit, "Suillium Ruffum undecimo, Cor"bulonem feptimo, utrumque Confulem poftea Caefoniam, Caii "principis conjugem, octavo."

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nifies to bring to any one, not to take from any one. The making of the laft fyllable but one short, tulerunt, is a poetical licence, not very unufual. Thus we read fteterunt and mifcuerunt for fteterunt and mifcuerunt: fo that there is no occafion to read tulerint, as fome have done, without any good authority.

62. Cui.] Some read qui, on the authority of Quintilian, who fpeaks in the following manner: "Eft figura et in numero: vel cum " fingulari pluralis fubjungitur, gla"dio pugnaciffima gens Romani, gens eniin ex multis. Vel e diverso,

"Ex illis enim qui non rifere hunc "non dignatus deus, nec dea dig"nata." The fame author tells us, that when he was a boy, the Romans used to write quoi in the dative cafe, to diftinguish it from the nominative qui and that in his time it began to be written cui. Scaliger, in his note on the dulce rideat ad patrem of Catullus, quoted above, mentions this paffage of Virgil, and reads qui non rifere parentes, for qui non rifere ad parentes. This interpretation is defended alfo by La Cerda, and others. Pierius declares, that not one of the ancient manufcripts have qui; but conftantly either cui or quoi in the dative cafe It is cui in the folio editions printed at Milan in 1481, Venice 1562 and Paris 1600; and in the octavo edi tions at Milan in 1539, Antwerp 1543, 1580, Venice 1576, and in the old edition at London by Pyn

fon.

"

fon. Heinfius alfo, both father and fon, Ruaeus, Catrou, and moft other editors read cui. It is cui alfo in the Paris edition in 1540 in quarto, by Suffannaeus, and in that of 1541 but in both thefe editions qui is put in the margin. Robert Stephens reads qui. Guellius declares himself for qui, on the authority of Quintilian, and takes parentes to be the vocative cafe; Quamvis multi codices cui legant, "tamen ab ea fententia me poffet Quintiliani lib. 9. auctoritas qui qui accipit: ut talis fit fententia "et hujus verfus ordo, O parentes, "hunc, ex illis qui non rifere, nec "deus eft dignatus menfa, nec dea "eft dignata cubili.” Vives also reads qui, and taking the child here fpoken of, to be that fon of Pollio, who died foon after his birth, fufpects that thefe lines were added by Virgil after the death of the child. Polman adds a note in the margin, which feems to differ from the general opinion; for he fays, the fon of Pollio fmiled as foon as he was born, which is a bad omen, and therefore he foon died. Cuningam reads qui, and Burman cui. feems to me more probable, that Quintilian read this paffage negli gently, than that all the ancient manufcripts fhould be corrupt, which, with one confent, read cui or quoi in the dative cafe. We find another inftance of the dative cafe being used after rideo, to fignify the fmiling on any one, in the fifth Ae

neid;

Rifit pater optimus olli.”

It

63. Nec deus hunc menfa, &c.]

"Here is certainly a denunciation "of fome imminent calamity to the "child, if he does not know his "mother by a smile. 1. Servius "explains it of Vulcan, to whom "the child would be like: now " when Vulcan was born, his pa"rents Jupiter and Juno, did not "fmile on him, wherefore he was "thrown down by them to the "ifland Lemnos, which caufed him "to be lame, after which he was "neither admitted by Jupiter to "the table of the gods, nor by "Minerva to be her husband. But "this ftory of Servius does not

ર

agree with Homer, who gives "Vulcan a place in the celestial "banquet. 2. Politian explains it "of the Genius and Juno, which "will not be propitious to the "child. For it is manifeft, from "Seneca's epiftles, and Pliny, that "the Ancients afcribed to every

66

man, as soon as born, a Genius "and Juno. But all the learned

are agreed, that the Genius was

afcribed only to the males, and "Juno only to the females; and "therefore both a Genius and Juno "to one and the fame fon of Pollio << are more than could be allotted. "But what Philargyrius here ad

vances, can by no means be ad"mitted, that at the birth of chil"dren of high rank, a bed used

to be made for Juno Lucina, and a table spread for Hercules, or "according to others for the Ge

nius. Politianus indeed produces "two paffages of Varro; in one "of which we are informed, that "boys used to be initiated to Edu"ca, Potina, and Cuba; the gods " of eating, drinking, and fleepN 4

ing;

you in playing on the flender reeds, and I in finging verfes, why fhould we not fit down

nalca

begins with inviting Mopfus to play on his pipe, whilft he himself fings; to which Mopfus anfwers, that he is ready to obey him, as being his fuperior. The former invites his friend to fit under a fhade of elms and hazles; but the latter propofes, that they should rather retire into a cave, overfpread with wild vines.

Servius tells us, that under the character of Menalcas Virgil is meant and Aemilius Macer a Poet of Verona, and friend cf Virgil, under that of Mopfus. Catrou will have the dialogue to be between Virgil and Alexander, the young flave, whom this Critick fuppofes to be meant under the name of Alexis, in the fecond Eclogue. It would be difficult, and of no confequence perhaps, to determine, whether Mopfus was Aemilius Macer, or Alexander, or any particular perfon. Menalcas and Mopfus may both be fuppofed fictitious names of fhepherds, introduced to form this dialogue: though it may be faid, that if Virgil ever intends to reprefent himself in any of his Eclogues, it is moft probably under the feigned name of Menalcas. Philips has imitated this Eclogue, in his third Paftoral, called Albino, written on the death of the Duke of Glocefter, fon of Queen Anne., Boni dicere and inflare is a Grecifm.

quaven with bazles ?

Mor. You are the oldeft, it is my duty to obey you, Menalcas:

2. Tu calamos inflare, &c.] Theocritus, in his eighth Idyllium reprefents two fhepherds, as equally fkilled in pipeing and finging;

Αμφω συρίσδεν δεδαημένω, ἄμφω

αεισεν.

Leves.] Servius feems to make a doubt, whether leves agrees with calamos or with verfus; but he juftly decides in favour of calamos.

3. Confidimus.] So Heinfius reads it, on the authority of feveral manufcripts. The common reading is confedimus.

4. Tu major.] Servius fays, this may mean, either that Menalcas is older than Mopfus, or that his merit is greater; id eft, vel natu vel meany hefitarito. Ruaeus, without tion, renders it tu natu major; and obferves, that though Menalcas is here faid to be the elder, yet they were both young; for Mopfus fays to Menalcas, fed tù define plura puer; and in another place Menalcas fays to Mopfas, fortunate puer, Catrou, in order to fuptu nunc. port his opinion, that Mopfus is Alexander, tramlates it, you are the mafter: which he thinks, ferves to exprefs, that Alexander was Virgil's flave; and therefore he adds, that it was his duty to obey him.

.

5. Sive