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self: what should you study for? why should you do this or ' that? your grace may answer them thus: what, firrah? I

perceive you are weary of us: doth not God say in such a place, that a king should fear God, that he may reign long?

• I perceive now, that thou art a traytor. Tell him this tale once, and I warrant you he will come no more to you.'

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In his fourth fermon he taxes the bishops. • Thou shalt ' not,' says he, addressing himself to the king, be partaker

' of other mens fins. So faith St. Paul. And what is it to be

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a partaker of other mens fins, if it be not so to make unpreaching prelates, and to suffer them to continue still in their unpreaching prelacy? If the king should suffer these things, and look through his fingers, and wink at them, ' should not the king be a partaker of other mens fins?, And ' why? is he not fupreme head of the church? What? is ⚫ the supremacy a dignity, and nothing else? is it not ac'countable? I think, verily, it will be a chargeable dignity, when account shall be asked of it. If the salt is unfavoury, ' it is good for nothing. By this salt is understood preachers. And if it is good for nothing, it should be cast out. Out ' with them then; cast them out of their office. What should they do with cures, that will not look to them? -Oh, that a man might have the contemplation of hell; that the ' devil would allow a man to look into it, and see its state, ' as he shewed all the world when he tempted Chrift in the ' wilderness. On yonder side, would the devil say, are pu' nished unpreaching prelates. I think verily a man might fee as far as a kenning, as far as from Calais to Dover, I warrant you, and see nothing but unpreaching prelates.-As for ' them, I never look to have their good words as long as I 'live: yet will I speak of their wickedness, as long as I shall ' be permitted to speak. No preacher can pass it over in fi

lence. It is the original root of all mischief. As for me, I ' owe them no other ill-will, but to pray God to amend them. ' I would have them do their duty. I owe them no other ma' lice than this, and this is none at all.'

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In his fifth fermon he lashes the judges, and patrons of livings. If a judge, says he, should ask me the way to hell, I would shew him this way: first, let him be a covetous 'man; then let him go a little farther, and take bribes; and ' lastly, let him pervert judgment. Lo, here is the mother and the daughter, and the daughter's daughter. Avarice ' is the mother; the brings forth bribe-taking, and bribe* taking perverting of judgment. There lacks a fourth thing ' to make up the mess, which, so God help me, if I were < judge, judge, should be a Tyburn tippit. Were it the judge of the king's-bench, my lord chief-judge of England, yea, were it my lord chancellor himself, to Tyburn with him. But one ' will fay, peradventure, you speak unseemingly, so to be ⚫ against the officers for taking of rewards; you confider not ' the matter to the bottom: their offices be bought for great 'fums; now how should they receive their money again, but

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by bribing? You would not have them undone: fome of ' them gave two hundred pounds, some five hundred, some two ⚫ thousand; and how can they gather up this money again, 'but by helping themselves in their office. And is it fo

trow ye? are civil offices bought for money? Lord God! • who would have thought it! Oh! that your grace would • feek through your realm for men meet for offices; yea, and ⚫ give them liberally for their pains, rather than that they • should give money for them. This buying of offices is a

making of bribery: for he that buyeth, must needs fell. • You should feek out for offices, wise men, and men of acti'vity, that have stomachs to do their business; not milk-fops, ⚫ nor white-livered knights; but fearers of God; for he that • feareth God, will be no briber.-But, perhaps, you will fay, we touch no bribes. No, marry? but my mistress, your wife, hath a fine finger; The touc toucheth it for you; or ' else you have a fervant who will say, if you will offer my ' master a yoke of oxen, you will fare never the worse: but

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I think my master will not take them. When he has offer'ed them to the master, then comes another servant, and ' says, if you will carry them to the clerk of the kitchen, you ' will be remembered the better. This is a frierly fashion: ⚫ they will receive no money in their hands, but will have it

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put upon their fleeves.'

These specimens are sufficient to give our readers a just idea of this preacher's spirit and freedom, and shew what a noble zeal he exerted, upon all occafions, in the cause of truth and religion. While he was thus discharging the duty of a courtpreacher, a flander past upon him, which being taken up by a low hiftorian of those times, hath found its way into these. The matter of it was this; that after the lord high admiral's attainder, and execution, Mr. Latimer publicly defended his death, in a fermon before the king; that he aspersed his character; and that he did it merely to pay a servile compliment to the protector. The first part of the charge, Mr. Gilpin admits, is true; but he is at some pains to thew, that the second and third are false.

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After the protector's death, he informs us, that he meets with no accounts of Mr. Latimer during the remainder of King Edward's reign, and thinks it probable that he retired into the country, and made use of the king's licence as a general preacher, in those parts where he thought his labours might be most useful.

In the beginning of Queen Mary's reign, while a fevere enquiry was carrying on in London against the reformed clergy, Mr. Latimer was in the country, where he continued preaching in his usual manner, unaffected by the danger of the times. But he did not long enjoy this liberty. The bishop of Winchefter sent a messenger to cite him before the council: he fet out immediately for London; and, as he pasled through Smithfield, where heretics were usually burnt, he faid chearfully, This place hath long groaned for me. The next morning he waited upon the council; who having loaded him with many reproaches, sent him to the Tower.

This was but a repetition of a former part of his life, only his treatment now was much more fevere, and he had more frequent occafions to exercise his resignation; a virtue which he possessed in a larger measure than almost any other man. Notwithstanding this, the usual chearfulness of his difpofition did not now forsake him; of which we have one instance still remaining. A fervant leaving his apartment, Mr. Latimer called after him, and bid him tell his master, That unless be took better care of him, he would certainly escape him. Upon this meffage, the lieutenant, with some difcomposure in his countenance, came to Mr. Latimer, and defired an explanation of what he said to his servant. Why, you expect, I juppofe, fir, replied Mr. Latimer, that I should be burned, but if you do not allow me a little fire, this frosty weather, I can tell you, I shall first be starved.

In the mean time the bishop of Winchester, and his friends, held frequent councils on public affairs; and endeavoured to impose upon the world, by making it believed, that reason as well ás power was on their fide. Accordingly it was given out, that the controverfy between the papifts and protestants should be finally determined in a folemn difputation to be held at Oxford, between the most eminent divines on each fide. And fo far the papifts acted honeftly: for Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, who were confefsedly the most eminent divines of their party, and were defigned for this employment, by the expectation of all men who wished well to truth, were appointed to manage the dispute on the part of the protestants. They were, accordingly, taken out of the Tower, where they had all been REV. July, 1755imprisoned,

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imprisoned, and were fent to Oxford, where they were closely confined in the common prifon; deprived of every comfort but what their own breasts could administer. How free the difputation was likely to be, they might eafily imagine, when they found themselves denied the use even of books, and pen and ink. Their prison-hours, however, were not spent in vain lamentations; their religion raised them above all human fufferings, and all mortal fears.

Their chief refource,' says Mr. Gilpin, ' was in prayer, ' in which exercise they spent great part of every day. Mr. 'Latimer, particularly, would often continue kneeling till he ' was not able to rise without help. The principal subject of ' his prayers was, that God would enable him to maintain the

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profession of his religion to the last; that God would again ' restore his gospel to England, and preserve the princess Elizabeth to be a comfort to this land.'

Mr. Fox has preferved a conference, afterwards put into writing, which was held at this time between Ridley and Latimer. Some passages from this conference Mr. Gilpin inserts, which shew with what noble fortitude, and with what exalted sentiments, these two great reformers of religion were inspired. After this he gives a short account of the disputation, and of what followed upon it; to which, however, we must refer our readers.

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After informing us that Latimer went through his last sufferings with that composure and firmness of mind, which nothing but a found faith, and a good confcience could produce, Mr. Gilpin concludes thus: Such was the life of Hugh Latimer, • bishop of Worcester, one of the leaders of that glorious army of martyrs, who introduced the reformation into England. He had a happy temper, formed on the principles of christian philosophy. Such was his chearfulness, that none ' of the accidents of life could discompose him. Such washis ' fortitude, that not even the severest trials could unman him. He had a collected spirit, and on no occasion wanted a re'source. He could retire within himself, and hold the world at defiance.

And a danger could not daunt, so neither could ambition allure him. Though converfant in courts, and intimate with princes, he preferved to the last, a rare instance of ' moderation, his primeval plainness.

• In his profeffion he was indefatigable: and that he might • bestow as much time as possible on the active part of it, he • allowed himself only those hours for his private studies, when

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• the busy world is at reft; constantly rising, at all seasons of the year, by two in the morning.

How confcientious he was in the discharge of the public • parts of his office, we have many examples. No man could • perfuade more forcibly: no man could exert, on proper occafions, a more commanding feverity. The wicked, in • whatever station, he rebuked with cenforian dignity; and ' awed vice more than the penal laws. He was not esteemed

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a very learned man, for he cultivated only useful learning; ' and that, he thought, lay in a very narrow compass. He ⚫ never engaged in worldly affairs, thinking that a clergyman • ought to employ himself only in his profession. Thus he lived rather a good, than what the world calls a great man. He had not those commanding talents, which give fuperio'rity in business: but for honesty and fincerity of heart, for true fimplicity of manners, for apoftolic zeal in the cause of • religion, and for every virtue, both of a public and private ⚫ kind, that should adorn the life of a Chriftian, he was emi⚫ nent and exemplary beyond most men of his own, or of any • other time; well deserving that evangelical commendation, "With the teftimony of a good confcience, in fimplicity and godly fincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace

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" of God, he had his conversation in the world."

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ART. V. Conclufion of the Natural History of Norway, continued from the Review for June, 1755, and the Appendix to our twelfth volume.

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ITHERTO our natural historian had treated of fuch animals only, as we may readily suppose to exist, and acquiefce in his account of them; tho' a few of 'em may vary in some respects, or be differently circumstanced, from those we ordinarily fee, or converse about. But in his chapter concerning uncommon fea-animals, there will be occafion, we apprehend, for many readers to extend their imagination to conceive, and to abstract their judgment from fome prepossessions and limitations, in order to admit, the reality of those animated beings; which, we confefs, all circumftances confidered, we think we have fome just grounds for fubscribing to ourselves. And here, had our bounds permitted us, we could gladly have presented the curious with the greatest part of this chapter, in its necessary amplitude, and with all its cogency of evidence: but the number of other writers rendering this extremely inconvenient, we must content ourfelves

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