of the schools, feems almoft revived in the new verbal jargon of metaphyfical politics; they differ only as two weeds (prouting up to a monftrous growth on the dunghill of fophiftry; this crabbed, prickly, and useless; that crabbed, prickly, and deleterious.

As was expected, and may at a like juncture be expected again, both the English parties, had, from the melancholy fcenes they had paffed through, learned fomething of wisdom. They had learned to direct their abilities (difciplined to the utmost in the fchool of adverfity) to the ends prefcribed by public virtue, and the love of their country. At that happy period, "Cavalier and Roundhead were heard of no more: all men feemed to concur in fubmitting to the King's lawful "prerogatives, and in cherithing the juft privileges of the "people and of parliament."

It is by the following excellent argument that Mr. Bowles demonstrates, how political the confidence of our ancestors was, in restoring Charles II. without restrictions.

"They trusted to the good fenfe of future and more fettled times, to establish such checks and corrections (to the Royal authority) as experience might point out to be neceffary. They were speedily and properly rewarded for the very fame reign produced the famous Habeas Corpus act-that grand bulwark of English liberty,that fecond Magna Charta,-fcarcely inferior to the firft, in value and importance.

:

"The day that France fhall imitate the above example, so strongly recommended by its refult, will be a great, a glorious, and a happy day for that country. France will have abundant reason to rejoice on that day, which shall fee the fon in like manner afcend the throne of the father. There to govern, not defpotically, but according to known and fundamental laws; and in connection with the intermediate and fubordinate powers, effential to the conftitution."

The argument as it ftands has great cogency; but we shall here produce a very diftinguished authority to confirm this pofition, that the generous confidence of our ancestors received its due reward, in the happiest ameliorations of our conftitution and laws. It is that of Judge Blackstone, in the laft chapter of his Commentaries; where he gives the hiftory of their progreffive improvement. What he there delivers, has all the value of a general sketch by the pencil of a great master, carefully delineated by him after a particular and a more philofophical furvey of all the objects it contains, than any other that has been attempted. By him we are informed, "that in "the reign of Charles II. (wicked, fanguinary, and turbu "lent as it was) the concurrence of happy circumstances was 'fuch, that from thence we may date, not only the re-establish

"ment of our church and monarchy, but also the complete reftitution of English liberty, fince its total abolition at the conqueft. For therein thefe flavish tenures, the badge "of foreign dominion, with all their oppreffive appendages " were removed." He then mentions the paffing of the Habeas Corpus act, and, with Mr. B., compares the value of these acquifitions with that of Magna Charta, and goes on, "to thefe I may add the abolition of the prerogatives of purveyance and pre-emption; the ftatute for holding triennial parliaments; the teft and corporation acts;* which fecure both our civil and religious liberties; and the abolition of the "writ de hæretico comburendo." Some other great improvements in the substance and practice of the law, made at that time, he likewise states; and thus concludes his historical reflections on this brilliant period of English legislation.

These particulars" are fufficient to demonftrate this truth, that the conftitution of England had arrived at its full vigour, and the true balance between liberty and prerogative was happily established by LAW, in the reign of King Charles the fecond."

Our author further argues for the entire restoration of the royal authority, on the following ground, "were it to be refumed with enfeebled force how could it reduce such a chaos into order? how prevent the jarring elements from again "rufhing forth and throwing all into confufion?" In fupport of this it may be noted, that whatever power it was here found neceffary for the crown to exert at the restoration, will be much more fo, in case a like event fhould take place in France; diforganized more, in a period comparatively short, than England

Experience feems to have shown that the term of triennial parliaments was too fhort and we think that too great a weight was thereby thrown into the popular fcale; but they who approve of that duration must at least allow that enough was acquired, though the king had been reftored without conditions. All parties likewise are not fatisfied with the utility of test acts. The ordinance for the fubfcription of the covenant, by all perfons holding a civil office, or ecclefiaftical benefice, by the prefbyterian parliament, is the first teft act in our history; unparalleled in the rigour of its matter and execution. This it was which induced the neceffity for the corporation act; the teft aft followed; it has already wrefted the fceptre from the grafp of a tyrant, and may again protect the conftitution, by preferving it in the hands of a benevolent fovereign. It was however called for by the people, and oppofed by the crown; it therefore cannot be brought in proof that new limitations on the crown were neceffary at the reftoration,

had

had been in the long calamitous term of the ufurpations. On one vigorous exertion of the royal power, made at that time, Mr. Hume observes, "If ever prerogative was juftifiably em"ployed, it seemed to be on the prefent occafion; when all "parts of the state were torn with paft convulfions, and re"quired the moderating hand of the chief magistrate to reduce "them to their ancient order.*

How much the Allies are interested in endeavouring to bring the confufion in France to this happy termination, is an object likewife which Mr. Bowles has placed in a clear point of view. He defcribes the fyftem adopted by that country, to diffeminate revolt against every lawful government; he lays it down likewife, that if this fyftem be perfifted in with the fame fuccefs, for a term equal to that during which it has been already reduced into action, it will fubvert civilized fociety, and extend their ferocious and cruel anarchy throughout Europe. It is thus they find the means to fend difunion and debility before them, to prepare their attacks of the states by which they are furrounded. A nation in an anarchical state, can fubfift only by war; it must destroy its neighbours, or be destroyed by them; for we may obferve that the expectation of plunder, and the fear of punishment, are the only bonds which can hold together lawless affociations; they have no other principle of union. This writer demonftrates likewife, that this fpirit of univerfal hoftility is the confequence of internal anarchy, and that it is erroneous to ascribe it to national irritation, kindled by the general league against them, its true caufe being to be found in the new principles which they originally affected to advance as the basis of liberty.

Nor, as he very clearly proves, is the danger to the neighbouring states and civilized fociety, leffened by the triumphs of the Moderatifts, and the fall of Robefpierre. His tyranny has been destroyed by a set of men whofe crimes could only be exceeded by his own, because he would not share his power with them. Their measures are the fame, they continue the compulfory requifitions of perfons and property; and the fame tyrannical oppreffion must be fupported by the fame means, the fyftem of terror and the axe, or they will no longer be able to push on army after army, like wave driving on wave, to inundate the rest of Europe. The name of Jacobin, may become therefore the mark of perfecution, but the principle will remain in full force, in the form and fpirit of the adminiftration of those who have fucceeded to power.

Vol. 7, P. 371.

The

The confiderations which arife likewife from honour, humanity, and juftice, to urge the fovereigns of Europe to restore the legitimate government in France, this writer impreffes on them, with an energy and eloquence, worthy of the dignity of thofe virtues to which he appeals. To the inhabitants of every country, who yet only fear to lose the bleffings of civilized fociety, he calls alfo in a manner equally animated. "Shall they," he fays, "whofe object is to "preferve whatever is dear and valuable to man, be outdone in firmness, fpirit, and activity, by thofe whose aim is anarchy and univerfal ruin? Shall the requifition of loyalty, "and honour, and independence, be lefs forcible than that of "republican tyranny? If there be thofe in this country, on whom thefe confiderations alone are not calculated to work; he defires them to turn their eyes to the defolation of the Netherlands; the transportation of their corn, their grain, their valuable effects, into France; the tyranny of the guillotine, and the forced levy of 100,000 men, to fight the battles of their inhuman spoilers.

We come now to the means he points out, whereby the allies can most efficaciously affift in the restoration of the ancient conftitution of France. He juftly fays, that to vanquifh the anarchy which now lays it wafte, the monster must be pierced in its vitals. France cannot be fubdued but by the efforts of France: by the cordial affiftance of the Royalifts. Nor can that be gained, without obtaining their total confidence: without eradicating from their minds the fufpicion, that the combined powers rather wish to enter their country as conquerors, than deliverers; or to fet upon one of the first thrones of Europe, a cypher of royalty, in order to rule the whole country in its name: jealoufies, which fome circumftances have at leaft made the Royalifts conceive; and of which the Convention has availed itself. These must be done away by an authentic declaration on the part of the Allies, limiting their object to the restoration of the ancient and lawful monarchy, and difavowing all purpose of making conquefts. If this ftep had been taken at first, the war would perhaps, at this inftant, have been terminated and this author expreffes his conviction, that, long as it has been delayed, to take it now, would be to employ the most probable means of effecting a fpeedy and happy termination. Such a declaration, he further moft particularly urges, ought to be followed by fuch measures, as should be the most folemn pledge the combined powers can give, of their determination to carry it into full effect. Hence they ought to recognife the title of the young king, as heir to the original monarchy. They must also ac

knowledge

knowledge as regent, the prince whom its forms defignate to that important office; and treat with him at the head of his council, as effectively fuch. To the other princes of the blood, they must likewife pay every mark of attention and refpect, they were formerly accustomed to receive in foreign countries. These measures, by railing the hopes, will increafe the energy and activity of the Royalifts, within and without the kingdom; and by giving them confidence in the Allies, will make them entire well-wishers and zealous afliftants to the fuccefs of their arms: an advantage which, by their own fault, the allies have never yet poffeffed. It will likewife give union of object to their efforts, the want of which (a very ufual defect in grand alliances) has been already fenfibly felt.

Mr. Bowles further proceeds to confider, what measures the adoption of this plan fhould lead us to embrace, with refpect to the emigrant clergy and nobility of France. The refult, on the grounds of humanity and policy, are evidently the fame: their wrecks fhould be gathered up and preferved, "wherever they may have been caft, by the tempeftuous fury "of the revolution." The return of the clergy, he informs us, is greatly defired by the lower orders: and, fince these tracts must have been written, the public papers have supplied us with fome fingular facts to corroborate this. It is likewife confirmed here, by a curious anecdote, of a gentleman, who in the course of the last year, found the best disguise he could affume, to favour his efcape through part of Artois and Flan ders, was the habit of a pricft. The villagers, at fome risk. gave him all the affiftance in their power: and fome offered him money, to officiate privately in their religious ceremonies. The influence of the emigrant clergy, fhould providence permit their return, may be expected alfo to have great weight, in checking the revival of diforders in France, which might be productive of new wars and revolutions.

It is alfo here fully evinced, that it is abfolutely neceffary to extend the like care to the nobility, as without them, at a restoration, the monarchy of France will not poffefs proper minifters either for her civil or military departments. The conftitution cannot be durably reconstructed, unless we preferve the materials. Before we take leave of these illuftrious fufferers, we shall step for a moment out of our province as reviewers, to say, that, as we wish them the fame restoration to their high ftations, our perfecuted nobility obtained after the civil war, fo we think it would not be useless for them, to confider the means which that nobility adopted, to smooth the way to it. For that reason, we have given in the margin,

BRIT. CRIT, VOL. V. FEB. 1795.