consolidate and develop trade within the Empire. Mr. Bruce arrived in Australia on Feb. 4, landing at Sydney, where he was the recipient of an immense popular ovation. In his message to the people of the Commonwealth he said, "I say unhesitatingly that the Imperial Conference was a tremendous success and achieved a very great deal. It has unquestionably been able to bring about the best spirit among the Dominions." Mr. Coates was accorded similar ovations on landing at Wellington, New Zealand on Feb. 14, and in outlining the results of the Conference declared that while he would not say that its conclusions embodied a novel point of view or constituted any outstanding advance, the Conference had nevertheless eliminated misunderstandings and created a determination to maintain common ties. In March, Sir W. Joynson-Hicks, Home Secretary, presented "The Royal and Parliamentary Titles Bill" to the British House of Commons, embodying the changes rendered necessary by the recommendations of the Conference. By this Bill the Royal title became, "George V., by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions Beyond the Seas, King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India." To meet the changed status of Ireland and in recognition of the request of Ulster the title of Parliament was altered to read "The Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland." Great Legislation; For Great Britain, the year 1926, particularly the latter part of it, which is at present under survey, was the most trying and hazardous experienced since the War. The general strike inaugurated on May 4th by the Trades Union Congress to enforce the demands of the Miners Federation, had lasted but nine days, but after the other unions decided to return to work, the miners themselves remained on strike and for many months the coalfields were left in a state of stoppage which seriously affected all other industries. Moreover, the fact of the general strike itself, an entirely novel experience for Great Britain, created ill-feeling between employers and employees in many industries in which relations had previously been friendly. Under the leadership of A. J. Cook, Secretary of the Miners Federation, that body stuck to the slogan originated by him: "Not a penny off the pay, not a minute on the day," in opposition to the economic recommendations of the Royal Commission, headed by Sir Herbert Samuel, which early in 1926 had formulated proposals involving concessions to meet the situation that would arise after the cessation on April 30th of government subsidies on which the coal industry had been depending for many months. The gist of the situation was the contention that if the owners were to continue the wage scale of 1923 when the French occupation of the Ruhr created a boom in the British coal trade, the men must work a forty-eight hour week. The coal strike lasted officially for seven months, from the first of May to the first of December, though as Summer waned many miners, especially in the Midlands collieries, began to break ranks and return to work on terms locally arranged with colliery owners. To assist this process the Government, which constantly tried to mediate, passed special legislation enabling individual owners to negotiate varying agreements as to hours and pay in accordance with local conditions. The gradual melting of the ranks of strikers which became accelerated in the late Autumn, finally induced the strike leaders to capitulate. While it was admitted that the strike had proven disastrous from the standpoint of the miners and while there was a general revulsion against the Communistic leadership which had caused so much waste and suffering, criticism was by no means confined to the ranks of the union directly affected. The workers in other lines of industry which had originally participated in the general strike became vigorously outspoken in condemnation of the influences which had brought about the long continued crisis. The general public also showed a disposition to censure the colliery owners for the rigidity of their opposition to any compromise designed to restore to activity an industry, on which other industries more or less depended. Difficult as was the position of the Government through the seven months in question, it emerged in the end with increased authority. It was compelled to organize the importation of coal from European countries on an extensive scale, and the rise in prices which resulted in exporting countries provoked an illogical though natural resentment among the foreign consumers affected. It was openly charged, and the charge met with no denial, that the striking miners received assistance from Russian sources to encourage them to continue in idleness. The Moscow Soviet disavowed the charge that such assistance was given under government auspices but said it could not prevent Russian workers from tendering sympathetic offerings to their British fellow-workers. The cost of the coal strike to British trade and industry and to the resources of the Exchequer itself will perhaps never be estimated with exactness, but its effect was apparent in the necessity for creating new sources of taxation. One of the most serious sources of loss had been the £23,000,000 paid in subsidies to the mining industry during the nine months preceding May 1st, 1926, which, instead of bringing the indirect benefits which had been anticipated had really made matters worse than ever. To meet the financial stringency caused by the strike, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Winston Churchill, submitted an Economy Bill prescribing savings in the cost of various governmental services and new taxes, the most important of which was a levy on betting. One of the important minor consequences arising from the strike was a sharp division in the ranks of the Liberal party, owing to a difference of opinion as to the courses of Mr. Lloyd George, leader of the Party in the House of Commons, who had taken a neutral attitude in connection with the general strike, whereas many of the more important Liberals members deemed it their duty to support the Government of Mr. Baldwin in what they deemed civil war. Mr. Lloyd George's attitude provoked a rebuke from the Earl of Oxford and Asquith, the titular leader of the Party. In the outcome the latter retired from that office and Mr. Lloyd George became leader of the Party though with a considerably reduced following. Eminent leaders like Sir Alfred Mond and Sir John Simon withdrew temporarily from the counsels of Liberalism. The crisis-the brief general strike, especially-also provoked an overwhelming public demand for legislation which would curb the powers of trades union executives in disrupting the industry and commerce of the country. It was felt that the legislation passed by Liberal administrations in 1906 and 1913 which had given to trades unions extraordinary powers accorded them in no other country had been abused and had created a situation which demanded redress. Under this legislation, union funds became inviolate and no union could be sued in a court of law for damages that might be caused by its politics. Mass picketing, whereby a large body of workers could intimidate individuals who desired to remain at work was also legalized, as was the "political levy" by which union funds originally intended for benefits and other purposes could be diverted to political uses, and the individual member could be compelled to contribute to the funds of the Independent or Socialist Labour party against his will. After the Miners' strike finally came to an end the Baldwin Government carefully pondered the situation for several months, in an obvious desire to escape a charge of having acted hastily or been moved by panic, and finally in April, 1927, presented a Trade Disputes Act which met with the approval, not only of the majority of people unconnected with unions, but of many moderate trade unionists themselves. Under this legislation, strikes by individual unions for the betterment of wages and conditions were permitted, but general strikes became illegal. It also became illegal for any union to compel an individual worker to subscribe funds for any political purpose against his will. Mass picketing was declared illegal and civil servants and municipal employees were prohibited from engaging in political strikes or allying themselves with political parties. Severe restrictions protecting the benefit funds of unions, as the funds of subscribers to insurance and other classes of benefit societies were protected, were also provided. The Bill was bitterly opposed by the leaders of the Independent Labour party in the House of Commons, which refused to discuss its details and brought an ominous indictment against it as "class war." After many stormy scenes and much obstruction the preamble of the Bill passed by an enormous majority in the middle of May; and the Government, having learned that it was intended to obstruct the Bill clause by clause in committee of the whole House, announced that only sixteen days would be allowed for its discussion, after which the closure would be applied. The Labour Party, headed by Messrs J. R. Clynes and J. H. Thomas, the abler and more argumentative of the opponents, marched out of the House in protest, but this had no effect on the firm resolve of the Government to pass the Bill, and with the support of many Liberals the main principles of the Bill were finally adopted. Other Parliamentary Proceedings. Among the important minor achievements in legislation passed by the British Parliament during the year 1926 was a Bill providing for the development and co-ordination of electrical enterprise under a central authority. Another Act defined the liberties of the press with regard to divorce cases, there having arisen complaints that certain publications exercised a licence detrimental to the morals of the community. In December the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, removing certain obselete disabilities under which adherents of this religion still suffered was passed. Other legislation included facilities for smallholdings by owner-occupiers and tenants; the establishment of a cash-on-delivery parcels post system; and increased grants for the maintenance of rural roads. These were part of the Government's agricultural programme, and the Empire Marketing Board assisted in furthering this programme by setting aside forty thousand pounds for further inquiries into the marketing of Britishgrown produce and the encouragement of sugar-beet growing, an industry of recent development in England. Reforms in the Weights and Measures regulations relating to the sale of food were adopted. The Bankruptcy Act was amended by the abolition of the two years' minimum of time before which the Court could discharge an honest bankrupt, and making it a criminal offence to neglect keeping books of account except in the case of very small businesses. The adoption of children was legalized and the registration and inspection of maternity homes was provided for. A Legitimacy Act was passed whereby a child born out of wedlock could be legitimatized by the subsequent marriage of the parents, except in such cases where either parent was married to another person at the time of the birth. The Merchandise Marks Act was passed making it unlawful to sell goods of foreign origin under a British trade mark. New regulations for smoke abatement were adopted and measures to protect labouring painters from the dangers of lead poisoning. Free licences for radio apparatus were extended to blind persons. A clergy pensions measure which came into effect on Jan. 1st, 1927, compelled all clergy of the Church of England under 55 years of age to subscribe to the Pensions Fund. On Boxing Day (Dec. 26th) a new four per cent. Consolidated loan, redeemable after Feb. 1st, 1957, was issued at 85 per cent. and contained certain novel features with regard to Sinking Fund, its purpose being the redemption or conversion of War bonds falling due in 1927. Public subscriptions exceeded all expectations and within a month had reached upwards of £200,000,000 of which £80,000,000 was "new money." In February, 1927, the Report of the Committee on the National Debt over which Lord Colwyn presided, and which had spent three years in its investigations, was presented to Parliament. It showed that the rewards of labour had not been diminished since 1914, and, considered on the basis of actual values, wages were about the same at the beginning of 1927 as in the period immediately preceding the Great War. The earnings of unskilled labour had improved in comparison with skilled labour, but general impoverishment had lessened the employment available in unsheltered industries. On the whole there had been an improvement in the standard of living especially in the sheltered industries, but the savings of the nation had been seriously diminished. Savings before the War were estimated as approximately £400,000,000 per annum. Savings (1927) represented, at 1927 prices, a decline of something between £150,000,000 and £200,000,000 per annum. The proposals for a "capital levy" advocated by certain Labour leaders were condemned as certain to have a detrimental effect on industry, which had already suffered through post-war taxation. It was recommended that the Sinking Fund be increased from £50,000,000 to the sum of £75,000,000 annually so soon as the increase could be reasonably effected, and the attachment of a specific Sinking Fund to certain loans (as in the Boxing Day issue) was censured. The Budget of 1927. The actual deficit for the financial year ending Mar. 31st, 1927, as revealed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his Budget Speech on Apr. 11, 1927, was £37,000,000 and in announcing this fact, Mr. Winston Churchill said that the injury done to British trade by the coal strike had been "very deep, deeper than many of us are willing to persuade ourselves was the fact." As an economic measure he announced that during the coming financial year the Ministry of Transport, the Mines Department and the Overseas Department would be abolished and the number of new entrants to the Civil services would be strictly limited. The trade returns showed that the profits for the year were £150,000,000 below expectations. He believed that the betting tax announced some time previously would yield £6,000,000 and that the excise and customs yield would be £247,000,000. Barring up-heavals the revenue for 1927-28 should exceed the amount collected in 1926-7 (£805,471,000). On the existing basis of taxation, revenues would amount to £796,850,000 and the estimated expenditures at £818,390,000, leaving a deficit of £21,540,000. Expected war payments from Germany would wipe out part of this deficit. A new duty on imported tires, allowing a preference of one-third to tires made within the Empire, would be an estimated yield of £750,000 sterling. Total revenue from changes in indirect taxation including a duty on foreign films, would yield £5,880,000 sterling. He proposed to utilize the Road Fund created by taxation of motor vehicles |